We investigated links between police brutality and poor health outcomes among Blacks and identified five intersecting pathways: (1) fatal injuries that increase population-specific mortality rates; (2) adverse physiological responses that increase morbidity; (3) racist public reactions that cause stress; (4) arrests, incarcerations, and legal, medical, and funeral bills that cause financial strain; and (5) integrated oppressive structures that cause systematic disempowerment.Public health scholars should champion efforts to implement surveillance of police brutality and press funders to support research to understand the experiences of people faced with police brutality. We must ask whether our own research, teaching, and service are intentionally antiracist and challenge the institutions we work in to ask the same.To reduce racial health inequities, public health scholars must rigorously explore the relationship between police brutality and health, and advocate policies that address racist oppression.

Stress researchers have emphasized the relationship between social stress and mental health. However, research investigating police brutality as a stressor is scarce. The authors conceptualize police brutality as a stressor, examining racial variation in its effects on mental health. Data came from the Survey of the Health of Urban Residents in the United States (n = 4,389). Negative encounters with the police were found to be associated with depressed mood and anxiety. The relationship between encounters with the police and depressed mood was stronger among Black respondents and Latinxs compared with Whites. Regardless of personal encounters with the police, the anticipatory stress of police brutality—concern that one might become a victim of police brutality—was associated with depression and anxiety. These findings highlight police brutality as an anticipatory stressor and have implications for whiteness as a resource that protects from the stress of negative police encounters.

Mental disorders are among the leading causes of disability in the United States. In 2011, over 10 million adults felt that even though they needed treatment for mental health problems, they received insufficient or no mental health care and reported unmet need. This article assesses associations between sociodemographic characteristics and perceived causes of unmet needs for mental health care. A sample of 2,564 adults with unmet mental health need was obtained from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health. Outcome variables were 5 main reasons for unmet need: cost, stigma, minimization, low perceived treatment effectiveness, and structural barriers. Each cause of unmet need was regressed on sociodemographic, health, and service use characteristics. Women had higher odds of cost-related reasons for unmet need than men. Odds of stigma and structural barriers were greater among Blacks than Whites, and among rural than metropolitan residents. Compared with the uninsured, insured persons were less likely to report cost barriers. However, insured persons had higher odds of stigma and minimization of mental disorders. Insurance alone is unlikely to resolve the problem of unmet need. Understanding the social epidemiology of perceived unmet need will help identify populations at risk of not receiving mental health care or insufficient care. Focusing on specific programs and services that are designed to address the causes of perceived unmet need in particular populations is important. Future research should explore how intersecting social statuses affect the likelihood of perceived unmet need.

Self-rated health is a valid measure of health that predicts quality of life, morbidity, and mortality. Its predictive value reflects a conceptualization of health that goes beyond a traditional medical model. However, less is known about self-rated mental health (SRMH). Using data from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (N = 2,547), we examine how rating your mental health as good—despite meeting criteria for a mental health problem—predicts outcomes. We found that 62% of people with a mental health problem rated their mental health positively. Persons who rated their mental health as good (compared to poor) had 30% lower odds of having a mental health problem at follow-up. Even without treatment, persons with a mental health problem did better if they perceived their mental health positively. SRMH might comprise information beyond the experience of symptoms. Understanding the unobserved information individuals incorporate into SRMH will help us improve screening and treatment interventions.