We review recent longitudinal studies on change and continuity in well-being during the retirement transition. Our conclusion is that most retirees maintain their level of well-being over retirement. Some studies, however, provide evidence for a substantial heterogeneity and dynamic effects. A smaller subgroup experiences losses in resources and challenges which compromise their well-being. Various adaptive actions seem to help to cope with losses, but we still lack more detailed information about the role and effects of these coping strategies. Future longitudinal studies need to address the role of and interplay among these adaptive behaviors over the retirement transition to improve our understanding of continuity and change in postretirement well-being.

Objectives: Retirement is a major life transition in the second half of life, and it can be associated with changes in leisure activity engagement. Although theories of retirement adjustment have emphasized the need to find meaningful activities in retirement, little is known about the nature of changes in leisure activity during the retirement transition and their association with mental health. Methods: Based on four annual waves of the ‘Health, Aging and Retirement Transitions in Sweden’ study, we investigated the longitudinal association of leisure activity engagement and depressive symptoms using bivariate dual change score models. We distinguished intellectual, social, and physical activity engagement. Results: We found increases in all three domains of activity engagement after retirement. Although level and change of activity and depressive symptoms were negatively associated, the coupling parameters were not significant, thus the direction of effects remains unclear. Conclusion: The results highlight the need to consider the role of lifestyle changes for retirement adjustment and mental health.

From a theoretical point of view, older adults may not necessarily face a greater risk of becoming lonely than middle-aged adults but are more likely at a disadvantage in fighting loneliness. Therefore, in this study, we differentiate between the risk of becoming lonely and the risk of remaining lonely. A large longitudinal data set representative of the German noninstitutionalized population from 40 to 85 years of age (N = 15,408; 49% female participants) was used in the analysis. Lagged logistic regression models were estimated to investigate the effect of earlier experiences of severe loneliness on the risk of being lonely after three years across middle age and late adulthood. Individual differences in health, views on aging, and social activities were taken into account to explore their role in age differences in the risk of remaining lonely. The analysis revealed marginal age differences in the risk of becoming lonely but a marked age gradient regarding the risk of remaining lonely. Lonely older adults who were older than 75 years of age were more likely to remain lonely after three years than lonely middle-aged adults. Controlling for individual differences in health, views on aging as social loss, and social activities accounted for this age difference. Interventions against loneliness may prioritize older age groups because losses in capacities, shifts in motivations, and a degraded opportunity structure render it increasingly less likely that older adults leave a state of loneliness on their own accord.