Breastfeeding is recommended exclusively for the first 6 months after birth, with continued breastfeeding for at least 2 years. Yet prevalence of these recommendations is low globally, although it is an effective and cost-effective way to prevent serious infections and chronic illness. Previous studies have reported that social support greatly influences breastfeeding, but there is little evidence on perceived social norms in Mexico and how they affect actual behavior. Our objective was to investigate breastfeeding intention, practices, attitudes, and beliefs, particularly normative, among low-resource communities in central and southern Mexico. We performed a secondary analysis using the theory of planned behavior with cross-sectional data, which included semi-structured individual interviews with fathers (n 10), 8 focus groups with mothers (n 50), and 8 focus groups with women community leaders (n 44) with a total of 104 participants. Our data also included a quantitative survey among pregnant women and mothers (n 321). Women reported supplementing breast milk with water and teas soon after birth, as well as introducing small bites of solid food a few months after birth. Social norms appeared to support breastfeeding, but not exclusive breastfeeding or breastfeeding for periods longer than about a year. This may be partially explained by: a) behavioral beliefs that for the first 6 months breast milk alone is insufficient for the baby, and that water in addition to breast milk is necessary to hydrate an infant and b) normative beliefs related to the appropriateness of breastfeeding in public and as the child gets older. Future strategies should focus on positively influencing social norms to support recommended practices, and emphasize the specific reasons behind the recommendations. Future efforts should take a multi-pronged approach using a variety of influences, not only directed at healthcare providers but close family members, including fathers.

Objective: To understand non-adherence to medically recommended diets among Mayans with diabetes.Design: Using partially sequential mixed methods, questionnaires, semi-structured brief and in-depth interviews were applied. Questionnaire data were analysed with Pearson’s χ² and Student’s t tests and qualitative interviews with grounded theory microanalysis.Setting: Rural, predominantly Mayan communities in Chiapas, Quintana Roo and Yucatan, Mexico, 2008–2012.Participants: Purposive sample of Mayans with type 2 diabetes; using public health care; 168 women and twenty-seven men; age 21–50+ years.Results: Participants understood diabetes as caused by negative emotions, divine punishment, revenge via spells, chemicals in food and high sugar/fat consumption. Eliminating corn, pork, sugary beverages and inexpensive industrialized foods was perceived as difficult or impossible. More Mayans reporting not understanding physician instructions (30 v. 18 %) reported difficulty reducing red meat consumption (P = 0·051). Non-adherence was influenced by lack of patient–provider shared knowledge and medical recommendations misaligned with local culture. Men whose wives prepared their meals, women who liked vegetables and young adults whose mothers prepared their meals reported greater adherence to dietary recommendations. Partial adherents said it made life tolerable and those making no physician-recommended dietary changes considered them too restrictive (they meant ‘starving to death’). Over half (57 %) of participants reported non-adherence; the two principal reasons were dislike of recommended foods (52·5 %) and high cost (26·2 %).Conclusions: Adherence to dietary regimens in diabetes treatment is largely related to social and cultural issues. Taking cultural diversity, food preferences, local food availability and poverty into consideration is essential when developing health-promotion activities related to diabetes.

Despite positive nutrition impacts, the prevalence of malnutrition among beneficiaries of Mexico's conditional cash transfer (CCT) program remains high. Greater nutrition impact may have been constrained by the type of nutritional supplements provided. The objective of this study was to inform a potential modification to the supplements distributed to pregnant and lactating women and children. Impact was assessed using 2 cluster-randomized trials (pregnant women, children) run simultaneously. Communities (n = 54) were randomly assigned to the fortified foods provided by the program (Nutrivida women, Nutrisano children) or alternatives: tablets (women), syrup (children), or micronutrient powders for women (MNP-W) and children (MNP-C). Each supplement for women/children contained the same micronutrients based on the formulations of Nutrivida and Nutrisano, respectively. Pregnant women (aged >18 y) were recruited before 25 weeks of gestation and followed to 3 mo postpartum. Children aged 6–12 mo were recruited and followed to age 24 mo. Primary outcomes were anemia for women and length growth for children. Statistical analyses appropriate for cluster-randomized designs were used, and structural equation modeling to estimate dose-response effects. Supplement costs per beneficiary (daily dose for 18 mo) were estimated for production and distribution. There was no significant difference in change of anemia prevalence between supplement groups in women, or in length growth between groups in children. One daily dose of any supplement was associated with 0.8 cm greater length growth. From baseline to age 24 mo, the prevalence of anemia in the Nutrisano, syrup, and MNP-C groups decreased by 36.7, 40.8, and 37.9 percentage points, respectively (within-group, P < 0.05; between groups, P > 0.05). Costs per beneficiary ranged from $12.1 (MNP-C) to $94.8 (Nutrivida). The CCT program could distribute alternative supplements at lower cost per beneficiary without compromising potential for impact. Acceptance among beneficiaries should also be considered in choice of alternatives. This trial was registered at www.clinicaltrials.gov as NCT00531674.