Background: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and associated lockdown could be considered a ‘perfect storm’ for increases in emotional distress. Such increases can only be identified by studies that use data collected before and during the pandemic. Longitudinal data are also needed to examine (1) the roles of previous distress and stressors in emotional distress during the pandemic and (2) how COVID-19-related stressors and coping strategies are associated with emotional distress when pre-pandemic distress is accounted for.Methods: Data came from a cohort study (N = 768). Emotional distress (perceived stress, internalizing symptoms, and anger), COVID-19-related stressors, and coping strategies were measured during the pandemic/lockdown when participants were aged 22. Previous distress and stressors were measured before COVID-19 (at age 20).Results: On average, participants showed increased levels of perceived stress and anger (but not internalizing symptoms) during the pandemic compared to before. Pre-COVID-19 emotional distress was the strongest predictor of during-pandemic emotional distress, followed by during-pandemic economic and psychosocial stressors (e.g. lifestyle and economic disruptions) and hopelessness, and pre-pandemic social stressors (e.g. bullying victimization and stressful life events). Most health risks to self or loved ones due to COVID-19 were not uniquely associated with emotional distress in final models. Coping strategies associated with reduced distress included keeping a daily routine, physical activity, and positive reappraisal/reframing.Conclusions: In our community sample, pre-pandemic distress, secondary consequences of the pandemic (e.g. lifestyle and economic disruptions), and pre-pandemic social stressors were more consistently associated with young adults' emotional distress than COVID-19-related health risk exposures.

Adolescents and young adults were identified internationally as a group with potentially low compliance rates with public health measures aimed at curbing the spread of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Although non-compliance research during pandemics has typically focused on concurrent correlates, less is known about how prior social and psychological risk factors are associated with non-compliance during pandemics. This paper leverages a prospective-longitudinal cohort study with data before and during the pandemic to describe patterns of non-compliance with COVID- 19 related public health measures in young adults and to identify which characteristics increase the risk of non-compliance. Data came from an ongoing cohort study in Zurich, Switzerland (n=737). Non-compliance with public health measures and concurrent correlates were measured at age 22. Antecedent sociodemographic, social, and psychological factors were measured at ages 15-20. Young adults generally complied with COVID-19 public health measures, although non-compliance with some measures (e.g., cleaning/disinfecting mobile phones, standing 1.5-2 meters apart) was relatively higher. Non-compliance, especially with hygiene-related measures, was more prevalent in males, and in individuals with higher education, higher SES, and a nonmigrant background. Non-compliance was higher in young adults who had previously scored high on indicators of “antisocial potential,” including low acceptance of moral rules, pre-pandemic legal cynicism, low shame/guilt, low self-control, engagement in delinquent behaviors, and association with delinquent peers. Young adults with low trust, including in the government’s measures for fighting the virus, also complied less. In order to increase voluntary compliance with COVID-19 measures, public health campaigns should implement strategies that foster moral obligation and trust in authorities, or leverage trustworthy individuals in the community to disseminate information. For young adults with low self-control, self-monitoring, environmental restructuring, or nudging may increase compliance. Long-term investments into integrating youth with antisocial potential into society may decrease rule-breaking behaviors, including during pandemics when compliance saves lives.

Two seemingly associated demographic trends have generated considerable interest: income stagnation and rising premature mortality from suicides, drug poisoning, and alcoholic liver disease among US non-Hispanic Whites with low education. Economists interpret these population-level trends to indicate that despair induced by financial stressors is a shared pathway to these causes of death. Although we now have the catchy term “deaths of despair,” we have yet to study its central empirical claim: that conceptually defined and empirically assessed “despair” is indeed a common pathway to several causes of death. At the level of the person, despair consists of cognitive, emotional, behavioral, and biological domains. Despair can also permeate social relationships, networks, institutions, and communities. Extant longitudinal data sets feature repeated measures of despair—before, during, and after the Great Recession—offering resources to test the role that despair induced by economic decline plays in premature morbidity and mortality. Such tests must also focus on protective factors that could shield individuals. Deaths of despair is more than a phrase; it constitutes a hypothesis that deserves conceptual mapping and empirical study with longitudinal, multilevel data.

Adolescent self-injury is a widespread public health problem, but long-term longitudinal studies from European countries are rare. Self-injury in males and sex differences are poorly understood. This study describes the prevalence, frequency, age-related course, and recurrence of, and mental health services use related to adolescent self-injury. Data came from a Swiss prospective-longitudinal cohort study (N = 1482). Adolescents (52% male) reported frequency of self-injury and mental health services use (including reasons for and types of services use, hospitalizations) at ages 13, 15, 17, and 20. Between ages 13–20, 27% of adolescents reported self-injury at least once. In males, prevalence decreased from 12 to 5%; in females self-injury peaked at age 15 (16%) and then decreased (11% at age 20). In males, recurrence of self-injury increased after age 15 (from odds ratio [OR] < 3 to OR > 10); in females, recurrence was high from age 13 onwards (OR > 5). Predictors of recurrence included childhood/early adolescent internalizing symptoms and early self-injury onset. Typically, less than half of adolescents with self-injury used mental health services. Males with self-injury used services mainly for externalizing problems, learning difficulties, and attention/concentration problems; females for depression or self-injury, family problems, and victimization. Types of services used changed with age, and adolescents with self-injury had increased rates of hospitalization. There are notable sex differences in the longitudinal course of self-injury and reasons for related mental health services use. Treating early internalizing symptoms could be a promising target for preventing recurrent self-injury. Males are at particular risk of not receiving adequate treatment for self-injury.

Large-scale epidemiological research often uses self-reports to determine the prevalence of illicit substance use. Self-reports may suffer from inaccurate reporting but can be verified with objective measures. This study examined the following: the prevalence of illicit and non-medical substance use with self-reports and hair toxicology, the convergence of self-reported and objectively quantified substance use, and the correlates of under- and overreporting. The data came from a large urban cohort study of young adults (n = 1,002, mean age = 20.6 years, 50% female). The participants provided 3 cm of hair (covering the previous 3 months) and reported their illicit and non-medical substance use and their sociodemographic, psychological, and behavioral characteristics. Hair toxicology analyses targeted cannabinoids, ketamine, opiates/opioids, stimulants including 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine, and relevant metabolites. Self-reports underestimated the prevalence of most substances by 30% to 60% compared to hair tests. The average detection ratio (hair test/self-report) was 1.50. Hair tests were typically more sensitive than self-reports. Underreporting was associated with a low level of that substance in hair. Self-reported delinquency and psychopathology were correlated with an increased likelihood of concordant positive self-reports and hair tests compared to underreporting. Overreporting was associated with infrequent self-reported use. Our study suggests that self-reports underestimate young adults' exposure to illicit substances and non-medical use of prescription drugs. Consequently, estimates of associations between substance use and risk factors or outcomes are likely biased. Combining self-reports with hair tests may be most beneficial in study samples with occasional substance use. Researchers can use specific factors (eg, detection ratios) to adjust prevalence estimates and correlations based on self-reports.

Polysubstance use (i.e., simultaneous or sequential use of different psychoactive substances) is associated with increases in the risk of severe health problems and social impairments. The present study leverages community-representative, long-term longitudinal data from an urban cohort to assess: (a) the prevalence and continuation of polysubstance use between adolescence and early adulthood; (b) different patterns of polysubstance use (i.e., combinations of substances) in early adulthood; and (c) childhood risk factors for polysubstance use in early adulthood. At age 20 (n = 1,180), respondents provided comprehensive self-reported information on past-year substance use, including use of legal and illicit substances (e.g., cannabinoids, stimulants, and hallucinogens), and nonmedical use of prescription drugs (e.g., opioids, tranquilizers). In adolescence (ages 13–17), limited versions of this questionnaire were administered. In childhood (ages 7–11), potential risk factors, including individual-level factors (e.g., sensation-seeking, low self-control, aggression, and internalizing symptoms) and social-environmental factors (e.g., social stressors, exposure to others’ substance use), were assessed. We fitted latent class models to identify classes of participants with different substance use profiles in early adulthood. The results show that polysubstance use increased between early adolescence and early adulthood. The continuation of polysubstance use was common (stability between all adjacent assessments: odds ratio >7). At age 20, more than one-third of participants reported polysubstance use (involving illicit substances, nonmedical use of prescription drugs, and cannabidiol). Four latent classes with polysubstance use were identified: (1) broad spectrum of substances; (2) cannabis and club drugs; (3) cannabis and the nonmedical use of prescription drugs; and (4) different cannabinoids. Risk factors for any polysubstance use included childhood sensation-seeking and exposure to others’ substance use; some childhood risk factors were differentially associated with the four classes (e.g., low self-control in childhood was associated with an increased likelihood of being in the broad spectrum class). The classes also differed with regard to socio-demographic factors. This study revealed that polysubstance use is a widespread and multifaceted phenomenon that typically emerges during adolescence. To facilitate the design of tailored prevention mechanisms, the heterogeneity of polysubstance use and respective socio-demographic and developmental precursors need to be considered.