Violence against women (VaW) is a widespread crime and violation of the rights of women. It is present in every country without exception and crosses boundaries of culture, class, education, income, and race. Despite the magnitude of the literature and the abundance of publications on this problem, the field lacks a comprehensive and homogeneous way to measure and compare the extent of VaW across countries. Proper quantification of this problem is needed to develop preventive policies and strategies to reduce it. This article develops an index of VaW (VAWI) with global scope and multidimensional approach for 102 countries. It is an original index that calculates the total level of VaW by capturing information from the main VaW types (physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violence) in a single value between 0 and 1, where 0 denotes complete absence of violence and 1 the highest level of violence in a country. The proposed index is easy to compute and is comparable across countries. Our main results show that the nations with the highest levels of global VaW are Yemen, Senegal, Oman, Cameroon, and Uganda. The countries with the lowest levels are the Northern European Countries, Canada, and Malta. This VAWI makes a novel and important contribution to the study of gender issues. It can be used not only to monitor the statistics on VaW data within countries over time but also to make comparisons among countries. Further, it could be useful in designing new policy initiatives to reduce VaW.

Violence against Women (VaW) has come to be recognized as a serious human rights abuse with important consequences not only for women but for whole societies. Since VaW has several manifestations, it is possible to differentiate among different types of violence. In this article, a broad theoretical framework with different dimensions of gender violence was adapted to a Latin American social and cultural context to measure three out of the five main types of violence: economic violence, emotional psychological violence, and coercive control. The goal of this article is to provide empirical evidence to determine whether access to microfinance services plays a role in reducing VaW. To this end, we designed and performed a cross-sectional study with a treatment and a control group in rural Guatemala. A sample of 883 rural women in the “Altiplano” area of Guatemala (448 women with microfinance services and 435 without) was surveyed from May to November 2012. The results of the bivariate logistic regression showed evidence of association between access to microfinance services and reduction of VaW. After adjusting for covariates, global, economic, and emotional psychological violence maintained a negative and statistically significant association with microfinance, while only coercive control showed no statistical association with microfinance services. Access to microcredits showed a very clear relationship to reducing economic and emotional violence but not coercive control, a factor that may be determined by social and cultural norms. In contrast to Status Inconsistency Theory, which has been tested primarily in Asia, our study of Guatemala showed that increased status and economic independence of women due to their participation in microfinance services reduced VaW.

(1) Background: Gender-based violence has no geographical, personal, or social boundaries. It constitutes a serious public health problem that affects the entire society. This research aims to identify and compare the level of ambivalent sexism in Spanish and Colombian university students and its relationship with sociodemographic factors. Ambivalent sexism, developed by Glick and Fiske (1996), is considered a new type of sexism since, for the first time, it combines negative and positive feelings that give rise to hostile and benevolent sexism, maintaining the subordination of women through punishment and rewards. (2) Methods: The methodology consisted of the application of the validated Spanish version of the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI) to a sample of 374 students in their final academic year of the Law program, of which 21.7% were students at the University of Santander (Bucaramanga, Colombia), 45.5% at the University Rey Juan Carlos (Madrid, Spain), and the remaining 32.9% at the University of Seville (Seville, Spain). (3) Results: A high level of ambivalent sexism is reported in Colombian students nowadays. In the two countries. there are similarities (e.g., the great weight of religion and the variation in attitudes towards sexism in people who identify themselves as women, compared to male or students consulted that prefer not to answer) and differences (e.g., absence in Colombia of gender-specific legislation, low number of students who have received gender education in Spain). (4) Conclusions: These findings may contribute to the construction of laws that take into account the particular problems of women and the development of educational programs on gender that are offered in a transversal and permanent way and that take into account cultural factors and equity between men and women as an essential element in the training of future judges who have the legal responsibility to protect those who report gender violence.

This paper explores Alexis de Tocqueville's thought on fiscal political economy as a forerunner of the modern school of preference falsification and rational irrationality in economic decision making. A good part of the literature has misrepresented Tocqueville as an unconditional optimist regarding the future of fiscal moderation under democracy. Yet, although he initially shared the cautious optimism of most classical economists with respect to taxes under extended suffrage, Tocqueville's view turned more pessimistic in the second volume of his Democracy in America. Universal enfranchisement and democratic governments would lead to higher taxes, more intense income redistribution and government control. Under democracy, the continuous search for unconditional equality would eventually jeopardise liberty and economic growth.

Violence against women (VaW) is a pervasive global problem affecting both developed and developing countries, regardless of culture, socioeconomic status, education, or race. Designing effective policies to prevent and reduce VaW requires a clear understanding of the mechanisms underlying different forms of violence, particularly physical and sexual violence. This study provides a comparative macro-level analysis of the determinants of these forms of violence using an unbalanced panel of 38 OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries from 2000 to 2018. We estimate panel regressions with country-specific effects and conduct robustness analyses using alternative operationalizations of sociocultural factors. We also test alternative model specifications incorporating different control variables and approaches to address endogeneity. Our findings provide robust evidence that economic conditions, substance abuse, societal violence levels, and potentially cultural factors emerge as significant predictors of physical violence in OECD countries, whereas sexual violence is more strongly associated with substance abuse and, to some extent, lower levels of educational attainment and is highly sensitive to institutional and reporting environments. By distinguishing between objective and reporting-dependent forms of violence, this study highlights the importance of differentiated and context-sensitive policy interventions to more effectively prevent and reduce VaW.