As a social identity anchored in a system of guiding beliefs and symbols, religion ought to serve a uniquely powerful function in shaping psychological and social processes. Religious identification offers a distinctive “sacred” worldview and “eternal” group membership, unmatched by identification with other social groups. Thus, religiosity might be explained, at least partially, by the marked cognitive and emotional value that religious group membership provides. The uniqueness of a positive social group, grounded in a belief system that offers epistemological and ontological certainty, lends religious identity a twofold advantage for the promotion of well-being. However, that uniqueness may have equally negative impacts when religious identity itself is threatened through intergroup conflict. Such consequences are illustrated by an examination of identities ranging from religious fundamentalism to atheism. Consideration of religion’s dual function as a social identity and a belief system may facilitate greater understanding of the variability in its importance across individuals and groups.

The current paper reviews research that has explored the intergenerational effects of the Indian Residential School (IRS) system in Canada, in which Aboriginal children were forced to live at schools where various forms of neglect and abuse were common. Intergenerational IRS trauma continues to undermine the well-being of today’s Aboriginal population, and having a familial history of IRS attendance has also been linked with more frequent contemporary stressor experiences and relatively greater effects of stressors on well-being. It is also suggested that familial IRS attendance across several generations within a family appears to have cumulative effects. Together, these findings provide empirical support for the concept of historical trauma, which takes the perspective that the consequences of numerous and sustained attacks against a group may accumulate over generations and interact with proximal stressors to undermine collective well-being. As much as historical trauma might be linked to pathology, it is not possible to go back in time to assess how previous traumas endured by Aboriginal peoples might be related to subsequent responses to IRS trauma. Nonetheless, the currently available research demonstrating the intergenerational effects of IRSs provides support for the enduring negative consequences of these experiences and the role of historical trauma in contributing to present day disparities in well-being.

We assessed the patterns of convergent validity for the Mayer–Salovey–Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (Mayer, Salovey, & Caruso, 2002), a performance-based measure of emotional intelligence (EI) that entails presenting problems thought to have correct responses, and a self-report measure of EI (Schutte et al., 1998). The relations between EI and demographic characteristics of a diverse community sample (N = 223) concurred with previous research. However, the performance-based and self-report scales were not related to one another. Only self-reported EI scores showed a consistent pattern of relations with self-reported coping styles and depressive affect, whereas the performance-based measure demonstrated stronger relations with age, education, and receiving psychotherapy. We discuss implications for the validity of these measures and their utility.

As numerous coping strategies to deal with stressors can be used concurrently or sequentially, it may be productive to consider coping from a broad, systemic perspective. Using profile analysis and multivariate techniques, we demonstrated that coping profiles comprising multiple strategies distinguished between various mood states (dysphoria, anxiety, major depression, dysthymia and obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD)). Generally, affective disturbances were associated with increased levels of rumination, cognitive distraction and emotion-focused coping (emotional expression, other-blame, self-blame, emotional containment and passive resignation) coupled with diminished problem solving and social support seeking. These coping profiles, however, varied as a function of anxiety vs. dysphoria, and severity of dysphoric symptoms, although the profile of dysphoric individuals was similar to that of clinically diagnosed dysthymic and major depressive patients. While coping profiles were generally stable over time (6 months), improvement or deterioration of mood was accompanied by corresponding alterations of coping profiles. Importantly, coping profile was not simply a correlate of dysphoric mood, but was also found to be an antecedent condition that favored the evolution of more severe affective problems. It is suggested that a multidimensional approach may prove useful in understanding coping as a dynamic system, and may have implications for clinical intervention.