Fecal contamination of water sources and open defecation have been linked to cholera outbreaks in India. However, a systematic review on the drivers responsible for these outbreaks has yet to be published. Here, we systematically review the published literature on cholera outbreaks in India between 2011 and 2020. We searched studies in English in three databases (MEDLINE, EMBASE, and Web of Science) and the Integrated Disease Surveillance Program that tracks cholera outbreaks throughout India. Two authors independently extracted data and assessed the quality of the included studies. Quantitative data on the modes of transmission reviewed in this study were assessed for any change over time between 2011–2015 and 2016–2020. Our search retrieved 10823 records initially, out of which 81 full-text studies were assessed for eligibility. Among these 81 studies, 20 were eligible for inclusion in this review. There were 565 reported outbreaks between 2011 and 2020 that led to 45,759 cases and 263 deaths. Outbreaks occurred throughout the year; however, they exploded with monsoons (June through September). In Tamil Nadu, a typical peak of cholera outbreaks was observed from December to January. Seventy-two percent (33,089/45,759) of outbreak-related cases were reported in five states, namely Maharashtra, West Bengal, Punjab, Karnataka, and Madhya Pradesh. Analysis of these outbreaks highlighted the main drivers of cholera including contaminated drinking water and food, inadequate sanitation and hygiene (including open defecation), and direct contact between households. The comparison between 2011–2015 and 2016–2020 showed a decreasing trend in the outbreaks that arose due to damaged water pipelines. Many Indians still struggle with open defecation, sanitation, and clean water access. These issues should be addressed critically. In addition, it is essential to interrupt cholera short-cycle transmission (mediated by households, stored drinking water and foodstuffs) during an outbreak. As cholera is associated with deprivation, socio-economic development is the only long-term solution.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) struggled to end the tenth outbreak of Ebola virus disease (Ebola), which appeared in North Kivu in 2018. It was reported that rumors were hampering the response effort. We sought to identify any rumors that could have influenced outbreak containment and affected prevention in unaffected areas of DR Congo. We conducted a qualitative study in DR Congo over a period of 2 months (from August 1 to September 30, 2019) using in-depth interviews (IDIs) and focus group discussions (FGDs). The participants were recruited from five regional blocks using purposeful sampling. Both areas currently undergoing outbreaks and presently unaffected areas were included. We collected participants’ opinions, views, and beliefs about the Ebola virus. The IDIs (n = 60) were performed with key influencers (schoolteachers, religious and political leaders/analysts, and Ebola-frontline workers), following a semi-structured interview guide. FGDs (n = 10) were conducted with community members. Interviews were recorded with a digital voice recorder and simultaneous note-taking. Participant responses were categorized in terms of their themes and subthemes. We identified 3 high-level themes and 15 subthemes (given here in parentheses): (1) inadequate knowledge of the origin or cause of Ebola (belief in a metaphysical origin, insufficient awareness of Ebola transmission via an infected corpse, interpretation of disease as God’s punishment, belief in nosocomial Ebola, poor hygiene, and bathing in the Congo River). Ebola was interpreted as (2) a plot by multinational corporations (fears of genocide, Ebola understood as a biological weapon, concerns over organ trafficking, and Ebola was taken to be the result of business actions). Finally Ebola was rumored to be subject to (3) politicization (political authorities seen as ambivalent, exclusion of some community leaders from response efforts, distrust of political authorities, and distrust in the healthcare system). Due to the skepticism against Ebola countermeasures, it is critical to understand widespread beliefs about the disease to implement actions that will be effective, including integrating response with the unmet needs of the population.

We sought to summarize knowledge, misconceptions, beliefs, and practices about Ebola that might impede the control of Ebola outbreaks in Africa. We searched Medline, EMBASE, CINAHL, and Google Scholar (through May 2019) for publications reporting on knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) related to Ebola in Africa. In total, 14 of 433 articles were included. Knowledge was evaluated in all 14 articles, and they all highlighted that there are misconceptions and risk behaviors during an Ebola outbreak. Some communities believed that Ebola spreads through the air, mosquito bites, malice from foreign doctors, witchcraft, and houseflies. Because patients believe that Ebola was caused by witchcraft, they sought help from traditional healers. Some people believed that Ebola could be prevented by bathing with salt or hot water. Burial practices where people touch Ebola-infected corpses were common, especially among Muslims. Discriminatory attitudes towards Ebola survivors or their families were also prevalent. Some Ebola survivors were not accepted back in their communities; the possibility of being ostracized from their neighborhoods was high and Ebola survivors had to lead a difficult social life. Most communities affected by Ebola need more comprehensive knowledge on Ebola. Efforts are needed to address misconceptions and risk behaviors surrounding Ebola for future outbreak preparedness in Africa.