Ethics in social science experimentation and data collection are often discussed but rarely articulated in writing as part of research outputs. Although papers typically reference human subjects research approvals from relevant institutional review boards, most recognize that such boards do not carry out comprehensive ethical assessments. We propose a structured ethics appendix to provide details on the following: policy equipoise, role of the researcher, potential harms to participants and nonparticipants, conflicts of interest, intellectual freedom, feedback to participants, and foreseeable misuse of research results. We discuss each of these and some of the norms and challenging situations of each. We believe that discussing such issues explicitly in appendices of papers, even if briefly, will serve two purposes: more complete communication of ethics can improve discussions of papers and can clarify and improve the norms themselves.

We implemented a clustered randomized controlled trial with 6,963 residents in six rural Ghana districts to estimate the causal impact of financial incentives on coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) vaccination uptake. Villages randomly received one of four video treatment arms: a placebo, a standard health message, a high cash incentive (60 Ghana cedis) and a low cash incentive (20 Ghana cedis). For the first co-primary outcome—COVID-19 vaccination intentions—non-vaccinated participants assigned to the cash incentive treatments had an average rate of 81% (1,733 of 2,168) compared to 71% (1,895 of 2,669) for those in the placebo treatment arm. For the other co-primary outcome of self-reported vaccinations 2 months after the initial intervention, the average rate for participants in the cash treatment was 3.5% higher than for participants in the placebo treatment (95% confidence interval (CI): 0.001, 6.9; P = 0.045): 40% (602 of 1,486) versus 36.3% (672 of 1,850). We also verified vaccination status of participants: in the cash treatment arm, 36.6% (355 of 1,058) of verified participants had at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine compared to 30.3% (439 of 1,544) for those in the placebo—a difference of 6.3% (95% CI: 2.4, 10.2; P = 0.001). For the intention and the vaccination outcomes, the low cash incentive (20 Ghana cedis) had a larger positive effect on COVID-19 vaccine uptake than the high cash incentive (60 Ghana cedis). Trial identifier: AEARCTR-0008775.

This study examined the prevalence and exposure to ergonomic risks factors among crop farmers in selected states in Nigeria. We used cross-sectional data to provide this evidence. Data were collected with the aid of a standardized questionnaire administered to farmers. A total of 480 smallholder cassava farmers selected across 24 farming communities in Kogi and Kwara states, Nigeria, were engaged in the study. Descriptive statistics and binary regression were used for analysis. About 96% of the respondents reported shoulder pain, 85% reported lower back pain, 82% reported upper back pain, 64% reported neck pain, and 53% reported elbow pain during farming operations. We found that the age of farmers (OR = 2.01) and daily duration of daily chemical spray (OR = 1.17) were risk factors, while previous training on the safe use and application of farm chemicals was found to be a protective factor (α = 0.05). The study identified affordability of farm safety measures and poor access to relevant safety information as top constraints to farmers’ adoption of safe farm practices. We concluded there is a high prevalence of ergonomic risks during cassava operations among respondents. A crop-specific co-designed ergonomic intervention targeted at Nigerian farmers to reduce exposure to ergonomic risks is recommended.

Ghana and South Africa proactively implemented lockdowns very early in the pandemic. We analyze a three‐wave panel of households in Accra and Greater Johannesburg to study the mental and economic well‐being of the urban poor between the COVID‐19 lockdown and the “new normal” one year later. We find that even if economic well‐being has mostly recovered, life satisfaction has only improved slightly and feelings of depression are again at lockdown levels one year into the pandemic. While economic factors are strongly correlated with mental health and explain the differences in mental health between South Africa and Ghana, increasing worries about the future and limited knowledge about the pandemic (both countries) as well as deteriorating physical health (South Africa) and trust in government (Ghana) explain why mental health has not recovered. Therefore, we need broad and country‐specific policies, beyond financial support, to accelerate the post‐pandemic recovery of the urban poor.