Background: Infertility is a global problem, with high prevalence in India. As a pronatalist society, infertility is particularly problematic in India, causing stigma, shame, and blame especially for women. Infertility consequences for women include discrimination, social exclusion, and abandonment, putting them at high risk for mental health distress. Furthermore, mental health is highly stigmatized and specialized care is largely unavailable. Despite the cultural importance of childbearing, research on infertility distress and resulting mental health sequelae is lacking, particularly among low-income women. The purpose of this study is to assess mental health, using validated scales, among Mumbai slum-dwelling women with a history of infertility. Methods: We conducted a mixed-method, cross-sectional study. A focus group discussion with community health workers (n = 7) informed the development of a comprehensive survey. The survey consisted of validated scales whenever possible, in addition to questions pertaining to women’s sociodemographic and reproductive history. After rigorous forward and back translation, the surveys were conducted as face-to-face structured interviews due to low literacy levels and the research naiveté of our respondents. Interviews were conducted by culturally, linguistically, gender-matched, trained research assistants. Results: Mumbai slum-dwelling women of reproductive age suffering from infertility (N = 74) participated. Most (85%) women and their husbands (66%) reported previous infertility testing. Participants had elevated mental health distress (anxiety and depression symptomology) largely explained by general health, length of marriage, and coping strategy employed. Conclusion: Women facing the double stigma of mental health and infertility need innovative programs to address their challenges.

Purpose: Given the pressures surrounding women’s reproductive role in India, and persistent high rates of perinatal death, the purpose of this study is to describe and compare poor rural and urban Indian women’s experiences of perinatal grief. Participants and Methods: Two cross-sectional studies were compared on shared quantitative variables. Poor rural (N = 217) and urban, slum-dwelling (N = 149) Central Indian women with a history of stillbirth, and/or infant death were recruited with the aid of local community health workers. Trained, local, gender, and linguistically matched research assistants conducted the structured interviews. Shared quantitative variables include demographics, Social Provision Scale, Shortened Ways of Coping-Revised, Perinatal Grief Scale, social norms and autonomy. Results: While similar with respect to SES, age, number of living sons and perinatal loss experiences, these samples of poor women differed significantly across many variables, most notably women’s household position, joint family living, number of live daughters, religious coping, autonomy, and degrees of perinatal grief. While perinatal grief was significantly associated with many variables bi-variably, most lost their relative influence in our stepwise multivariable modeling within site (rural/urban), with only social norms and social support remaining significant for rural (31% of variance) and wishful thinking and social norms for urban participants (38.4% of variance). In the combined sample household position, social support and social norms remained significant and explained 53.6% of the adjusted variance. Conclusion: In both samples, perinatal grief was high following perinatal loss. Both groups of women with perinatal loss have increased risk of mental health sequelae. Notably, the context affected how they experienced perinatal grief, with rural women’s grief being higher and more affected by their societal pressures and isolation. Such nuances are important considerations for much-needed tailored approaches to future interventions.

Background: This study explored how low-income women already distressed by reproductive challenges were affected during the initial lockdown conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic in Mumbai, India. Methods: Women with reproductive challenges and living in established slums participated in a longitudinal mixed-methods study comparing their mental health over time, at pre-COVID-19 and at one and four-months into India’s COVID-19 lockdown. Results: Participants (n = 98) who presented with elevated mental health symptoms at baseline had significantly reduced symptoms during the initial lockdown. Improvements were associated with income, socioeconomic status, perceived stress, social support, coping strategies, and life satisfaction. Life satisfaction explained 37% of the variance in mental health change, which was qualitatively linked with greater family time (social support) and less worry about necessities, which were subsidized by the government. Conclusions: As the pandemic continues and government support wanes, original mental health issues are likely to resurface and possibly worsen, if unaddressed. Our research points to the health benefits experienced by the poor in India when basic needs are at least partially met with government assistance. Moreover, our findings point to the critical role of social support for women suffering reproductive challenges, who often grieve alone. Future interventions to serve these women should take this into account.

Homelessness is a complex social problem in India. Homeless are those who live in open places on roadsides, pavements, drain pipes, places of worship, railway stations, etc. India is expected to be the most populous country by 2024 and this population explosion is going to increase homelessness in already overcrowded cities in India. Young people account for roughly one third of the Indian population in 2020. There is no accurate estimate of homeless in India. Structural inequalities, liberalization, socioeconomic conditions and the weakening of state responsibility towards homeless people have added to the problem of homelessness. Financial instability and the consequent deprivation and marginality intensify social exclusion further restricting their ability to obtain and maintain safe and affordable housing. Homelessness can lead to negative health and social outcomes and can impact the psychological wellbeing of homeless youth. Homeless may experience drug use, mental health issues and interaction with the justice system. All efforts must be made to avoid the street involvement and its consequences to achieve the full potential of children and youth. Integrated and comprehensive program should be developed to make the homeless youth productive and capable. ‘Rights-based’ approach to homeless youth is the need of the hour.