Clientelism has played a key role in consolidation of informal power politics in the Western Balkans. While focusing on Serbia and Kosovo, we argue that such networks and the ruling political and economic elites have become inseparable, having a direct influence on the two countries’ EU integration process. By analysing the Serbia-Kosovo-EU triangle, we address the form and content of the system engineered by the Belgrade and Priština elites and establish its relevance for the EU’s stabilitocratic efforts and policy towards the said region. Our findings largely complement the scholarship claiming that the EU’s transformative power in democratization and Europeanization of the region has fallen victim to Brussels’ geopolitical stability aims, thus failing to induce domestic structural changes in the said region.

Scholars have documented a tendency of (semi-)authoritarian regimes to undermine university autonomy, mainly through organizational (de jure) changes. This paper presents a case study of a publicly triggered plagiarism investigation by the University of Belgrade into the doctoral thesis of the Serbian Minister of Finance, one of the key members of the increasingly authoritarian regime. The analysis finds a proceduralized and delayed response of the university’s leadership, which indicates lowered de facto autonomy from politics, despite the university’s continually high de jure autonomy. The investigation was closed only after a mobilization within the academic community which resulted in a university’s blockade that forced its leadership to retract the contentious thesis. The case study shows that, in contexts of democratic backsliding, political capture can extend farther than usually thought, impacting even the implementation of internal university standards. On the other hand, the analysis also shows that political capture is not necessarily irreversible and that academic community can mobilize to ‘undo’ it. This reinforces the notion of academic communities as value-driven groups capable of exerting peer pressure to override even authoritarian pressures. In order to understand the dynamic of the plagiarism inquiry in its entirety, we apply insights from theory of power to complement and overcome the limitations of the conventional theoretical frameworks on democratic backsliding and academic autonomy.

This article examines the Serbian political leadership—the president and government alike—by addressing the dominant political figures’ narratives. We communicate with the theoretical aspects in the study of populism and conspiracy theories as this nexus enables us to examine the specific nature of the domestic politics in Serbia. In our view, the ruling elite complements its populist discourse with conspiracy theory to ensure its survival in power, by regularly generating fear about the threat posed to Serbian statehood and lack of apprehension for Belgrade’s geopolitical preferences and exploration of foreign policy alternatives. Our analysis fills a major gap in the literature, since there has been only sporadic research on this topic and none of it has focused on the merger of populism and conspiracy theory. The findings we have reached—largely those of the elite’s self-victimization narratives and their dissemination of anti-Western sentiments—provide for a fresh contribution to the debate concerning the power struggle and the state of democracy in Serbia, especially given the fact that the key political stakeholders draw heavily on pro-regime media outlets to readily disseminate their self-serving accounts.

As the first universal museum in the Arab world, Louvre Abu Dhabi (LAD) aims to cover all aspects of human history, promoting inclusivity and openness. Despite being hailed as a symbol of tolerance and intercultural dialogue, some shortcomings and valid criticisms are evident. This study explores LAD’s artistic and political roles, as well as its contribution to social cohesion and the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE’s) readiness to address broader issues in line with the UAE Centennial Plan 2071. The analysis also delves into the responsibilities of cultural initiatives, the challenges of operating within an authoritarian context, and the necessity for policy reconsideration to achieve the UAE’s ambitious visions. The fact that LAD has undoubtedly served state interests highlights its limitation in engaging with the broader mission of museums—to address often-unpleasant political and socioeconomic matters. Moreover, the article asserts that constructive exchanges about critical issues should be embraced as opportunities rather than threats; suppressing these discussions through censorship and fear undermines the potential for growth and understanding. Thus, the study calls for a balanced approach where cultural institutions like LAD can foster dialogue and contribute meaningfully to the social and political landscape of the UAE.