To effectively reduce loneliness in older adults, interventions should be based on firm evidence regarding risk factors for loneliness in that population. This systematic review aimed to identify, ...

Loneliness is an important influence on quality of life in old age and has been conceptualised as consisting of two dimensions, social and emotional. This article describes analyses that sought to produce models of social and emotional loneliness in older people, using demographic, psychological and health, and social variables. Older people (aged 65+, n=1255) from the Barnsley metropolitan area of the United Kingdom were recruited randomly from within a stratified sampling frame and received a questionnaire-based interview (response rate: 68.1%). The questionnaire contained items and scales on demographic, psychological and health, and social characteristics, and a validated measure of loneliness that assesses both social and emotional loneliness. Of the respondents, 7.7% were found to be severely or very severely lonely, while another 38.3% were moderately lonely. Social and emotional loneliness shared 19.36% variance. Being male, being widowed, low well-being, low self-esteem, low-income comfort, low contact with family, low contact with friends, low activity, low perceived community integration, and receipt of community care were significant predictors of social loneliness (R=0.50, R2=0.25, F(18, 979)=18.17, p<0.001). Being widowed, low well-being, low self-esteem, high activity restriction, low-income comfort, and non-receipt of informal care were significant predictors of emotional loneliness (R=0.55, R2=0.30, F (18, 973)=23.00, p<0.001). This study provides further empirical support for the conceptual separation of emotional and social loneliness. Consequently, policy on loneliness in older people should be directed to developing a range of divergent intervention strategies if both emotional and social loneliness are to be reduced.

Objectives: Longitudinal research on loneliness in old age has rarely considered loneliness separately for men and women, despite gender differences in life experiences. The objective of this study was to examine the extent to which older women and men (70+) report feelings of loneliness with a focus on: (a) changes in reported loneliness as people age, and (b) which factors predict loneliness. Method: Data from the 2004 and 2011 waves of SWEOLD, a longitudinal national survey, was used (n = 587). The prediction of loneliness in 2011 by variables measured in 2004 and 2004–2011 variable change scores was examined in three logistic regression models: total sample, women and men. Variables in the models included: gender, age, education, mobility problems, depression, widowhood and social contacts. Results: Older people moved into and out of frequent loneliness over time, although there was a general increase in loneliness with age. Loneliness at baseline, depression increment and recent widowhood were significant predictors of loneliness in all three multivariable models. Widowhood, depression, mobility problems and mobility reduction predicted loneliness uniquely in the model for women; while low level of social contacts and social contact reduction predicted loneliness uniquely in the model for men. Conclusion: This study challenges the notion that feelings of loneliness in old age are stable. It also identifies important gender differences in prevalence and predictors of loneliness. Knowledge about such differences is crucial for the development of effective policy and interventions to combat loneliness in later life.

Responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in terms of physical distancing risk collateral damage such as increased loneliness. Older adults have been identified as being at higher risk of poor outcomes if infected and in many countries have been subjected to greater restrictions on physical contacts with others. Most research so far points towards an increase in loneliness during the pandemic. However, there has been a lack of prospective studies based on representative samples of older adults, with the oldest old, older adults with low or no Internet usage, and those in poor health currently underrepresented. Despite the significance of cultural norms for individuals’ standards for social relations and, thus, the experience of loneliness, there has been a lack of comparative research on loneliness in older adults during the pandemic. Reviews have found little evidence for what interventions and what elements of interventions are effective in reducing loneliness. There is potential for social relations to be maintained via technology-based solutions, although there is a risk of excluding older adults with limited resources who are both least likely to use technology and most vulnerable to loneliness. Furthermore, remote social contacts cannot fully compensate for the loss of physical contacts. Where stay-at-home orders are not imposed, supporting neighbourliness and the community use of accessible open spaces are other options. Finally, policy responses to the pandemic need to be more nuanced and non-ageist in order to avoid unnecessary increases in loneliness in older adults.

To live with feelings of loneliness has negative implications for quality of life, health and survival. This study aimed to examine changes in loneliness among older people, both with regard to prevalence rates, and socio-demographic, social and health-related correlates of loneliness. This study had a repeated cross-sectional design and was based on the nationally representative Swedish Panel Study of Living Conditions of the Oldest Old (SWEOLD). Analyses of trends in loneliness covered the years 1992, 2002, 2004, 2011 and 2014, and included people aged 77 years or older (n=2 572). Analyses of correlates of loneliness covered 2004 and 2014, and included people aged 70 years or older (n=1 962). Logistic regression analyses were conducted with findings presented as average marginal effects. Contrary to what is often assumed, there has been no increase in loneliness among older people over time (1992-2014). Regression analyses for 2004 and 2014 showed that social and health-related correlates were more strongly associated with loneliness than socio-demographic correlates. Psychological distress was most strongly associated with loneliness, followed by widowhood. Most associations between the correlates and loneliness were stable over time.

This paper identifies variations in the age and gender characteristics of informal carers in the UK. The paper is based on the Individual Sample of Anonymous Records, a 3% random sample of the 2001 UK Census. The sample size was 1 825 595. Of this sample, 10% were reported to be carers. The analysis shows that informal caregiving is systematically linked with both age and gender. Caregiving increased with age until reaching a peak in the 45–59 age group, in which almost 20% were carers. Similarly, the amount of time spent caregiving increased with age, with the highest levels of caregiving commitment in people aged 80–89 years. Regarding gender, 11.3% of women were carers compared to 8.6% of men and overall women committed more time to caregiving than men. However, this pattern was reversed in later life (70+), where there was a higher proportion of carers and greater time commitment to caregiving amongst men. While the predominance of women as informal carers has been well reported, the importance of men as informal carers in old age is much less commented upon. This study thus suggests that informal caregiving is most prevalent in groups of the population that, according to previous research, may experience most strain from doing so: elderly people who may be frail and often are in a spousal relationship with the care-recipient, and middle-aged women with multiple roles. Therefore, it is of great importance that their particular needs and circumstances are fully taken into account both in the development of formal support and when information about available support is targeted.