Objectives. To examine urban–rural differences in US prevalences of traditional and emerging tobacco product use as well as dual or polytobacco use of these products. Methods. Our data were derived from wave 1 (2013–2014) of the Population Assessment of Tobacco and Health (PATH) Study. We estimated weighted prevalences of adult tobacco use across urban–rural geographies and examined prevalences classified by gender, poverty level, and region of the country. Results. Nationally, cigarette use and smokeless tobacco use, as well as dual or polytobacco use of traditional products, were more prevalent in rural than in urban areas. Conversely, cigarillo and hookah use and dual or polytobacco use of emerging products were higher in urban areas. There was no significant urban–rural difference in use of e-cigarettes. Gender, poverty, and region of the country did not seem to be driving most urban–rural differences, although differences related to cigarillo use and dual or polytobacco use of emerging products became nonsignificant after control for covariates. Conclusions. Our findings highlight important urban–rural differences in tobacco use. Whether the changing tobacco product landscape will contribute to a continuation of rural health disparities remains to be seen.

Compared to the majority of non-Hispanic white (“white”) cigarette smokers, many African American smokers demonstrate a later age of initiation. The goal of the present study was to examine African American late-onset smoking (ie, regular smoking beginning at age 18 or later) and determine whether late-onset (vs. early-onset) smoking is protective in terms of quit rates and health outcomes. We used data from the National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States (MIDUS) because the wide age range of participants (20–75 at baseline) allowed the examination of smoking cessation and mortality incidence across the lifespan. Consistent with previous research, results indicated a later average age of smoking onset among African Americans, compared to whites. Disentangling effects of race from age-of-onset, we found that the cessation rate among late-onset African American smokers was 33%, whereas rates for early-onset African American smokers and early- and late-onset white smokers ranged from 52% to 57%. Finally, results showed that among white, low-socioeconomic status (SES) smokers, the hazard rate for mortality was greater among early- versus late-onset smokers; in contrast, among African American smokers (both low- and high-SES) hazard rates for mortality did not significantly differ among early- versus late-onset smokers. Although late (vs. early) smoking onset may be protective for whites, the present results suggest that late-onset may not be similarly protective for African Americans. Tobacco programs and regulatory policies focused on prevention should expand their perspective to include later ages of initiation, in order to avoid widening tobacco-related health disparities. This study indicates that late-onset smoking is not only the norm among African American adult smokers, but that late- versus early-onset smoking (ie, delaying onset) does not appear to afford any benefits for African Americans in terms of cessation or mortality. These results suggest that prevention and intervention efforts need to consider individual groups (not just overall averages) and that tobacco control efforts need to be targeted beyond the teenage years. Tobacco programs and regulatory policies focused on prevention should expand their perspective to include later ages of initiation, to avoid widening tobacco-related health disparities.

Introduction: Tobacco 21 (T21), which sets the minimum legal sales age for tobacco to age 21, is now a national law in the United States. Although T21 is expected to help curb youth tobacco use, its impact may be dampened due to poor retailer compliance. Even within environments where enforcement is strong (ie, compliance checks are conducted with tough sanctions for violations), compliance might vary due to other factors. Aims and Methods: Three studies were conducted in Columbus, OH, where T21 became strongly enforced in 2018. These studies examined how retailer compliance related to features of the neighborhood in which a retailer was located (Study 1), features of the retailer (Study 2), and features of the retail cashier (Study 3). Results: Study 1 found that, after controlling for race- and age-based factors, retailers located in high (vs. low)-poverty neighborhoods had a lower likelihood of conducting identification (ID) checks. Study 2 found that ID checks were related to whether retailers displayed signage about T21, as required by the city law. Study 3 found that, among cashiers, T21 awareness (which was high) and perceptions about T21 (which were moderate) were not generally related to their retailer’s compliance; having (vs. not having) scanners for ID checks was related to a higher likelihood of compliance. Conclusions: These studies emphasize the many, multilevel factors influencing T21 outcomes. Findings also indicate the potential for T21 to widen disparities in tobacco use, indicating the need for strategies to equitably improve T21 compliance. Implications: T21, which sets the minimum legal sales age for all tobacco products to age 21, is now a national law in the United States. Despite optimistic projections about what T21 could achieve, the ultimate impact may be dampened when it is applied in real-world settings. Our project revealed the many, multilevel factors influencing T21 compliance. Findings also indicate the potential for T21 to widen disparities in tobacco use if gaps in compliance persist. Strategies for equitably improving T21 compliance are discussed. This article is of relevance to areas interested in implementing or improving their local T21 enforcement.