Medical and public health professionals recommend wearing face masks to combat the spread of the coronavirus disease of 2019 (COVID-19). While the majority of people in the United States support wearing face masks as an effective tool to combat COVID-19, a smaller percentage declared the recommendation by public health agencies as a government imposition and an infringement on personal liberty. Social media play a significant role in amplifying public health issues, whereby a minority against the imposition can speak loudly, perhaps using tactics of verbal aggression taking the form of toxic language. We investigated the role that toxicity plays in the online discourse around wearing face masks. Overall, we found tweets including anti-mask hashtags were significantly more likely to use toxic language, while tweets with pro-mask hashtags were somewhat less toxic with the exception of #WearADamnMask. We conclude that the tensions between these two positions raise doubt and uncertainty around the issue, which make it difficult for health communicators to break through the clutter in order to combat the infodemic. Public health agencies and other governmental institutions should monitor toxicity trends on social media in order to better ascertain prevailing sentiment toward their recommendations and then apply these data-driven insights to refine and adapt their risk communication messaging toward mask wearing, vaccine uptake, and other interventions.

Background: To reduce the prevalence of anemia, the Indian government recommends daily iron and folic acid supplements (iron supplements) for pregnant women and weekly iron supplements for adolescents and all women of reproductive age. The government has distributed free iron supplements to adolescents and pregnant women for over four decades. However, initial uptake and adherence remain inadequate and non-pregnant women of reproductive age are largely ignored. The aim of this study is to examine the multilevel barriers to iron supplement use and to subsequently identify promising areas to intervene. Methods: We conducted a qualitative study in the state of Odisha, India. Data collection included key informant interviews, focus group discussions with women, husbands, and mothers-in-law, and direct observations in health centers, pharmacies and village health and nutrition days. Results: We found that at the individual level, participants knew that iron supplements prevent anemia but underestimated anemia prevalence and risk in their community. Participants also believed that taking too many iron supplements during pregnancy would “make your baby big” causing a painful birth and a costly cesarean section. At the interpersonal level, mothers-in-law were not supportive of their daughters-in-law taking regular iron supplements during pregnancy but husbands were more supportive. At the community level, participants reported that only pregnant women and adolescents are taking iron supplements, ignoring non-pregnant women altogether. Unequal gender norms are also an upstream barrier for non-pregnant women to prioritize their health to obtain iron supplements. At the policy level, frontline health workers distribute iron supplements to pregnant women only and do not follow up on adherence. Conclusions: Interventions should address multiple barriers to iron supplement use along the socio-ecological model. They should also be tailored to a woman’s reproductive life course stage: adolescents, pregnancy, and non-pregnant women of reproductive age because social norms and available services differ between the subpopulations.

We propose and test several hypotheses derived from the expanded theory of normative social behavior (TNSB) that also includes collective norms (with descriptive and injunctive norms). Data come from a quasi-experiment intervention to promote safer driving among adolescents in Serbia. The intervention was administered among high school students, most of whom were on the verge of receiving their driver’s licenses. Longitudinal data were collected from treatment and control schools at baseline (N = 1,449) and four months later at end line (N = 1,072). Descriptive norms at baseline predicted six-month changes in safer-driving intentions among women (β = .010 p < .05) but not among men. Main-effects of injunctive and collective norms were not significant. However, a significant interaction between descriptive norms and collective norms emerged among men (though not among women) and injunctive norms interacted with both collective norms and descriptive norms among women (but not among men). Initial evidence adds credence to the idea of enhancing the TNSB by adding both injunctive and collective (together with descriptive) norms as drivers of behaviors.

How social norms are formed likely has a bearing on the mechanisms underlying their effects on behavioral outcomes. We propose three mechanisms of norms formation – through direct experience, symbolically through media, or imaginatively – and introduce ideas about normative durability, normative subscription, normative volume, personal agency, and polarization of norms – that likely have a bearing on how norms affect behaviors. The COVID-19 pandemic has important implications for how norms are formed, which in turn invoke different underlying mechanisms in the relationship between social norms and behaviors. We propose a number of hypotheses for future studies to test.

The belief that contraceptive use causes infertility has been documented across sub‐Saharan Africa, but its quantitative association with actual contraceptive use has not been examined. We collected and analyzed sociocentric network data covering 74 percent of the population in two villages in rural Kenya. We asked respondents to nominate people from their village (their network), and then we matched their network (alters) to the individual participant (ego) to understand how their beliefs and behaviors differ. We asked about contraceptive use and level of agreement with a statement about contraceptive use causing infertility. We calculated the average nominated network contraceptive use score and the average nominated network belief score. Holding the individual belief that contraceptive use causes infertility was associated with lower odds of using contraceptive (AOR = 0.82, p = < 0.01); however, when one's own nominated network connections held this belief, the odds of using contraceptive were even lower (AOR = 0.75, p <0.01). Our findings show that this belief is associated with lower odds of contraceptive use and highlights the role that other people in one's network play in reinforcing it. Sexual and reproductive health programs should address this misperception at the individual and social network level.

Handwashing is essential for respiratory virus prevention, but uptake of handwashing in the context of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic remains under-explored. This study examines trends in and determinants of handwashing practices for COVID-19 prevention in 10 countries in West, East, and Southern Africa. Data are derived from an online global Facebook survey assessing COVID-19 knowledge, attitudes, and practices, fielded in July (Round 1) and November 2020 (Round 2). Adults ≥18 years (N = 29,964) were asked if they practiced handwashing with soap and water in the past week to prevent COVID-19. Design-corrected F-statistics compared knowledge and practice of handwashing, at country and regional levels, between survey rounds. A country-level fixed-effects logistic regression model then identified socio-demographic and ideational correlates of handwashing at Round 2. Most participants were >30 years-old, men, post-secondary educated, and urban residents. Between survey rounds, handwashing prevalence declined significantly across regions and in each country, from a 14% decline (Δ84%–70%) in Tanzania to a 3% decline (Δ92%–89%) in South Africa. Handwashing was higher among participants aged >30 years (Adjusted Odds Ratio [aOR] = 1.25, 95% confidence interval [95%CI]: 1.15–1.35) and with post-secondary education (aOR = 1.62, 95%CI: 1.49–1.77) but lower among men (aOR = 0.71, 95%CI: 0.64–0.78). Ideational factors associated with handwashing included perceived effectiveness of handwashing (aOR = 2.17, 95%CI: 2.00–2.36), knowing someone diagnosed with COVID-19 (aOR = 1.28, 95%CI: 1.18–1.40), and perceived importance of personal action for COVID-19 prevention (aOR = 2.93; 95%CI: 2.60–3.31). Adjusting for socio-demographic and ideational factors, country-level marginal probabilities of handwashing ranged from 67% in Tanzania to 91% in South Africa in Round 2. COVID-19 prevention messages should stress the importance of handwashing, coupled with mask use and physical distancing, for mitigating respiratory disease transmission. Behaviour change communications should be sensitive to resource heterogeneities in African countries, which shape opportunities for sustainable handwashing behaviours.