As part of an ethnographic study on young people and learning (the knowledge in motion across contexts of learning project, set in Norway), we interviewed a diverse sample of parents of young teenagers, many of whom were active in organized sports. The parents described their level of involvement in sport in a way that contrasted sharply to our own experiences participating in youth sports in the 1970s and 1980s. Back then most parents were absent from the sports fields. This new role of sports in the practice of parenthood is what we investigate in this study. The purpose is to further the understanding of the cultural processes that drive what we see as a marked generational change in the relationship between organized sports and the practice of parenthood. In contrast to previous studies, we also focus on the relationship between generational change and classed patterns in parenting. Our data suggest that across social classes, parents see involvement in sports as normal, and as a way to connect to the child emotionally and to further the child's development. We interpret the significance of sports in the parent–child relationship as related both to the normalization of youth sports that the parents experienced when they grew up, and to the new cultural ideas of parenthood that they encounter as adults. We find that there are tensions embedded in this new form of parenthood that are particularly evident in what we call ‘deep involvement’, an intensified form of parental engagement with youth sports that is practiced primarily by fathers in the economic fraction of the middle class. We conclude that the new role of sport in the practice of parenthood is a classed as well as a generational phenomenon.
Growing up in a family with an affinity for sports increases the likelihood of participating in club-organised sports. Few studies to date have addressed whether the importance of family sport culture is stable or changes during the teenage years. This article examines the association between family sport culture and participation in club-organised sports during teenage years and whether it differs between boys and girls. We utilise data from Norway and the comprehensive ‘Young in Oslo 2015’ survey (N = 6121; 79% response rate; ages 13–18). Three questions were combined into a measure of family sport culture in the present study: the importance of sport in the family, parents’ training habits, and whether parents would like their children to participate in sports. We observed a clear positive relationship between family sport culture and participation in club-organised sports. Except for a slightly weakened relationship with age among girls, the relationship was equally strong in all age groups. We suggest that the overall continuity in the relevance of family sport culture for young people’s sport participation reflects a prolonged socialisation effect that we utilise Bourdieu’s theory of habitus to understand.
7 July 2009 in Journal of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment
This paper analyses qualitative interviews conducted with Norwegian middle‐class parents. It explores how a particular type of intimacy – an enriching intimacy – is produced as part of everyday parent–child interactions and considers the notion of the social self that spurs middle‐class parents to seek this very type of intimacy with their child. By so doing it adds to the growing field of research on middle‐class parents’ child‐rearing strategies and the role these strategies play in the ‘resourcing’ of middle‐class children. The relevance of the dimension of intimacy for studies on the parental effect on children’s school achievement is discussed.
Recently parental involvement in youth sport has intensified, challenging the understanding of youth sports as an arena where adolescents can develop their identity and autonomy. On this background, our study explores how adolescents understand and negotiate their parents’ involvement in sport and how they define ideal and undesirable forms of parental involvement. Our empirical setting is Norway, and we draw on data from 16 focus group interviews among 13–14-year-olds (n = 92) recruited from two lower secondary schools. The analysis shows that young people distinguish between different aspects of the sport activity when defining ideal and undesirable forms of parental involvement. When discussing sport as a healthy activity necessary for physical and social development, the young people interviewed approve of parents’ role in regulating and encouraging participation. When considering the athletic aspects and peer sociability, however, they see parental involvement as mostly undesirable. The analysis also shows that the adolescents generally describe their parents as attentive to the boundaries their children draw for them about levels and types of involvement. Therefore, young people should be seen not only as subjected to parental involvement but also as active co-constructors of valid parental roles in and beyond the sporting arena.
This paper explores youth sports parenting in the context of Norway, focusing on the orientations of parents living in predominantly working-class communities, specifically what they believe youth sports are for. Its particular focus is the ideas and resources that underpin the various positions parents in such communities take toward youth sports. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 19 parents of 13 and 14 year olds, we identify two orientations towards youth sports: the belonging orientation, in which youth sports are seen as a means of connecting to a community, and the structuring orientation, in which youth sports are primarily used for protection and to provide frames for children, particularly as a bulwark against excessive screen time and sedentary and unhealthy lifestyles. Despite their differences, both orientations may be seen as articulations of a shared parenting ethos of ‘fitting in’ instead of ‘standing out’, which is aimed at ensuring that children will become decent and able citizens with sound, respectable lifestyles. This parenting ethos differs from the investment and cultivational ethos that guides upper middle-class families’ parenting practices related to sports and other enrichment activities. However, fitting in does not preclude projects of distinction; for some community-oriented parents, engaging in youth sports allows them to stand out as pillars of society.