A characteristic feature of eukaryote and prokaryote genomes is the co-occurrence of nucleotide substitution and insertion/deletion (indel) mutations. Although similar observations have also been made for chloroplast DNA, genome-wide associations have not been reported. We determined the chloroplast genome sequences for two morphotypes of taro (Colocasia esculenta; family Araceae) and compared these with four publicly available aroid chloroplast genomes. Here, we report the extent of genome-wide association between direct and inverted repeats, indels, and substitutions in these aroid chloroplast genomes. We suggest that alternative but not mutually exclusive hypotheses explain the mutational dynamics of chloroplast genome evolution.

As an ancient clonal root and leaf crop, taro (Colocasia esculenta, Araceae) is highly polymorphic with uncertain genetic and geographic origins. We explored chloroplast DNA diversity in cultivated and wild taros, and closely related wild taxa, and found cultivated taro to be polyphyletic, with tropical and temperate clades that appear to originate in Southeast Asia sensu lato. A third clade was found exclusively in wild populations from Southeast Asia to Australia and Papua New Guinea. Our findings do not support the hypothesis of taro domestication in Papua New Guinea, despite archaeological evidence for early use or cultivation there, and the presence of apparently natural wild populations in the region (Australia and Papua New Guinea).

BackgroundAn ethnobotanical study on local cuisine of Sasak tribe in Lombok Island was carried out, as a kind of effort of providing written record of culinary culture in some region of Indonesia. The cuisine studied included meals, snacks, and beverages that have been consumed by Sasak people from generation to generation.ObjectiveThe aims of this study are to explore the local knowledge in utilising and managing plants resources in Sasak cuisine, and to analyze the perceptions and concepts related to food and eating of Sasak people.MethodsData were collected through direct observation, participatory-observation, interviews and literature review.ResultsIn total 151 types of consumption were recorded, consisting of 69 meals, 71 snacks, and 11 beverages. These were prepared with 111 plants species belonging to 91 genera and 43 families. Fabaceae contributed the highest number of species to the cuisine. Cocos nucifera had the highest Index of Cultural Significance value and highest number of reported uses. Apparently traditional social and cultural values are still closely associated with Sasak food and eating.ConclusionSasak people interpret their food not only as a material for supporting life, but also as a means to maintain a good balance between humans, environment, and spiritual needs

Societal Impact Statement: Using Taro (Colocasia esculenta) as a case study, we examine how perception gaps contribute to negative feedback loops that create or maintain the orphan status of certain crops. For students and researchers seeking uncrowded areas for study, orphan crops and crop‐wild‐relatives offer large open spaces, figuratively and literally. Learning how to see what has not been seen may in turn help us to reduce our global dependence on very few crops, and the risks that follow from this. The combination of climate change and variability and increasing population has painted a dark picture of future food security for many regions in the world where resources are scarce. The key to future food and nutrition security may very well lie in unlocking the untapped potential of orphan and overlooked crops.Summary: The present distribution of taro (Colocasia esculenta), as a cultivated food plant, extends from southern to northern Africa, western Asia to eastern Asia, throughout Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands, and through the Americas, from the USA to Brazil. Despite its vast geographical range, high nutritional value, and considerable trade as a fresh and processed crop, there has been relatively little interest in taro and its wild relatives among research funding agencies, and little effective or large‐scale assessment of production, trade and usage. Given the proven ability of this crop to grow under diverse climatic regimes, from the equatorial tropics to northern and southern temperate zones it may be useful to consider perception gaps that contribute to disregard of the crop. Here we suggest and discuss a range of perception gaps that together may explain the status of taro as an orphan crop. Perception gaps exist because of many factors: dogma, linguistic diversity, social biases, under‐research, limited physical visibility of living wild populations, poor archaeological visibility, missing production numbers and inaccurate distribution maps. These contributing factors are shared, to lesser or greater extent, by many other orphan crops, but the disjunction between actual utilization (significant) and research effort (minimal) may be greater for taro than for most other “orphans”.

Significance: Fossil evidence shows that Polynesians introduced the tropical crop taro (Colocasia esculenta) during initial colonization of the subtropical South Pacific islands and temperate New Zealand after 1200 CE, establishing garden ecosystems with similar commensal plants and invertebrates. Sedimentary charcoal and fossil remains indicate how frequent burning and perennial cultivation overcame the ecological constraints for taro production, particularly the temperate forest cover of New Zealand. An increase in short-lived plants, indicating a transition toward higher-intensity production, followed rapid woody forest decline and species extinctions on all islands. The relatively recent fossil records from the subtropical and temperate islands of Polynesia provide unique insights into the ecological processes behind the spread of Neolithic crops into areas marginal for production.