A conceptual framework of coalitional developmentalism is presented to advance understanding of how China’s city regions have developed from bottom-up initiatives. Coalitional developmentalism extends state developmentalism with an emphasis on coalitional politics through which local state agents spontaneously form strategic coalitions to pursue regional growth. The case of the Pearl River Delta shows that a defining goal of coalitional developmentalism is to bolster regional governance capacity to overcome territorial fragmentation induced by jurisdiction-based development. First, the flexible state regulation is fundamental to developing deliberate scale-building processes toward regional governance. Second, bottom-up initiatives for building city regions emerge through a decentralized institutional structure in which governments at various scales work in an integrated fashion—via the functional integration of cities in a local official system—and the strong governance capacity of advanced cities. Third, coalitional developmentalism creates a testbed for facilitating region-based territorial growth by the central government, following long-established planning centrality paradigms. Fourth, bottom-up innovative behaviors unfold through coalitional politics associated with the top-down state spatial interventions that are a distinctive characteristic of “state spatiality” in postreform China.

This study investigates the social inclusion perceived by Guangzhou residents and the underlying factors based on the 2019 social survey with nearly 10,000 respondents. Surveys were conducted via quota sampling targeted at government officials and enterprise employers, referring to the Industrial Classification for National Economic Activities and the employment statistics of Guangzhou. In addition, online questionnaires were distributed to the general public. Responses were collected and analyzed through a multiple-regression model. Critical findings are as follows: (1) Residents’ attitude toward foreign immigrants is generally lower than that toward domestic migrants. Migrants who obtained Guangzhou hukou rated a higher social inclusion score than natives. (2) Residents without Guangzhou household registration expected that Guangzhou residents have better social inclusion scores for foreign immigrants. (3) People working in high-tech industries have lower social inclusion toward foreign migrants than those working in low-end industries, as there are no conflicts of interest between low-end workers and foreign migrants. Moreover, these two groups of people have more frequent interactions, given their living proximity. (4) Social inclusion held by residents in the inner-city region of Guangzhou is significantly higher than that of residents in the outer sphere, indicating a positive relationship between living environment and social inclusion perceptions. This paper lays the groundwork for identifying the relationship between social inclusion perceptions and differences in household registration statuses, working industries, and residence locations. It further facilitates the development of a more inclusive city.