German questions and statements are distinguished not only by lexical and syntactic but also by intonational means. This study revisits, for Northern Standard German, how questions are signalled intonationally in utterances that have neither lexical nor syntactic cues. Starting from natural productions of such ‘intonation questions’, two perception experiments were run. Experiment I is based on a gating paradigm, which was applied to naturally produced questions and statements. Experiment II includes two indirect-identification tasks. Resynthesized stimuli were judged in relation to two context utterances, each of which was compatible with only one sentence mode interpretation. Results show that utterances with a finally falling nuclear pitch-accent contour can also trigger question perception. An utterance-final rise is not mandatory. Also, question and statement cues are not restricted to the intonational nucleus. Rather, listeners can refer to shape, slope, and alignment differences of the preceding prenuclear pitch accent to identify sentence mode. These findings are in line with studies suggesting that the utterance-final rise versus fall contrast is not directly related to sentence modality, but represents a separate attitudinal meaning dimension. Moreover, the findings support that both prenuclear and nuclear fundamental frequency (F0) patterns must be taken into account in the analysis of tune meaning.

A perception experiment shows for German that different global, F₀-based speech rhythms in the context section of stimuli influence the local prominence position in the target section. This effect may be conceptualized as a perceptual adjustment of the syllables in the target section to the ones of the global rhythmic context with regard to both the prominence and the F₀ patterns. Two conclusions were drawn on this basis. First, listeners use speech rhythm to predict the perceptual properties of syllables, which is in line with the guide function that speech rhythm is assumed to have in German and other Western Germanic languages. Secondly, speech rhythm is a perceptual phenomenon, generated by a cyclic construction process that involves repetitive patterns in multiple dimensions. Thus, although speech rhythm is initiated by changes in acoustic parameters, it cannot be soaked up by acoustic measurements, especially, if these measurements refer to duration alone.

This paper presents an exploratory study in the field of emphasis in German. It provides a comprehensive acoustic analysis for a type of emphasis that intensifies lexical meanings either positively or negatively. A speech corpus was recorded using an elicitation method adapted to yield natural-sounding, conversational, expressive speech under controlled conditions. Supporting the distinction between positive and negative intensification, two clearly different phonetic profiles emerged. These phonetic profiles of positive and negative intensification involve voice quality as well as the dynamics of the speech signal across its segmental and prosodic layers. By means of these profiles, the intensifying emphases were correctly classified by a discriminant analysis as positive or negative in around 90% of the cases. Moreover, indications were found for a third type of intensifying emphasis, which was called ‘reinforcement’. Its multidimensional phonetic profile falls in between the ones of positive and negative intensification.

Based on the phonology of the Kiel Intonation Model (KIM), a tripartite oppositionof German intonation is investigated: early, medial, and late peaks. Theseintonation categories, which can be projected onto H + L*, H*, and L* + H in theAM framework, are described in the KIM as rising-falling F0 peak patterns differentiatedby their synchronization with the accented-vowel onset. Perception experimentswere carried out, showing that the function-based identification of the peakcategories is not only influenced by peak synchronization, but also by peak shapeand height. While the complete spectrum of findings is not covered by the currentphonological modelling, the findings corroborate the existence of all three categoriesin German intonation and support the idea that the timing of the peakmovements with regard to the accented vowel is important for their perceptualdifferentiation.

Our paper presents an initial investigation into the acoustic form and function of emphatic reduplication in German. We found that emphatic reduplications are used to attract attention in order to prepare listeners for important information. Readspeech data elicited on this basis showed that the emphatic reduplications of grade particles and verbal imperatives both start with a prosodic 'ritardando', but differ subsequently in the overall intonation patterns and their association with either decreasing or increasing stress and accent levels.