Low-income African American adults are disproportionately affected by obesity and are also least likely to engage in recommended levels of physical activity (Flegal et al. JAMA 303(3):235-41, 2010; Tucker et al. Am J Prev Med 40(4):454-61, 2011). Moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) is an important factor for weight management and control, as well as for reducing disease risk (Andersen et al. Lancet 368(9532):299-304, 2006; Boreham and Riddoch J Sports Sci 19(12):915-29, 2001; Carson et al. PLoS One 8(8):e71417, 2013). While neighborhood greenspace and walkability have been associated with increased MVPA, evidence also suggests that living in areas with high rates of crime limits MVPA. Few studies have examined to what extent the confluence of neighborhood greenspace, walkability and crime might impact MVPA in low-income African American adults nor how associations may vary by age and sex. In 2013 we collected self-reported data on demographics, functional limitations, objective measures of MVPA (accelerometry), neighborhood greenspace (geographic information system), and walkability (street audit) in 791 predominantly African-American adults (mean age 56 years) living in two United States (U.S.) low-income neighborhoods. We also acquired data from the City of Pittsburgh on all crime events within both neighborhoods. Exposure: To examine cross-sectional associations of neighborhood-related variables (i.e., neighborhood greenspace, walkability and crime) with MVPA, we used zero-inflated negative binomial regression models. Additionally, we examined potential interactions by age (over 65 years) and sex on relationships between neighborhood variables and MVPA. Overall, residents engaged in very little to no MVPA regardless of where they lived. However, for women, but not men, under the age of 65 years, living in more walkable neighborhoods was associated with more time engaged in MVPA in (β = 0.55, p = 0.007) as compared to their counterparts living in less walkable areas. Women and men age 65 years and over spent very little time participating in MVPA regardless of neighborhood walkability. Neither greenspace nor crime was associated with MVPA in age-sex subgroups. Neighborhood walkability may play a stronger role on MVPA than accessible greenspace or crime in low-income urban communities. Walkability may differentially impact residents depending on their age and sex, which suggests tailoring public health policy design and implementation according to neighborhood demographics to improve activity for all.

Although crime and perceived safety are associated with obesity and body mass index (BMI), the pathways are less clear. Two likely pathways by which crime and perceived safety may impact obesity are through distress and physical activity. We examined data from 2013 to 2014 for 644 predominantly African-American adults (mean age 57 years; 77% female) living in low-income Pittsburgh, PA neighborhoods, including self-reported perceptions of safety and emotional distress, interviewer-measured height/weight, and physical activity measured via accelerometry. We used secondary data on neighborhood crime from 2011 to 2013. We built a structural equation model to examine the longitudinal direct and indirect pathways from crime to BMI through perceived safety, distress and physical activity. Long-term exposure to crime was positively associated with lack of perceived safety (β = 0.11, p = 0.005) and lack of perceived safety was positively associated with BMI (β = 0.08, p = 0.03). The beneficial association between physical activity and BMI (β = −0.15, p < 0.001) was attenuated by a negative association between crime and physical activity (β = −0.09, p = 0.01). Although crime was associated with distress we found no evidence of a path from crime to BMI via distress. Our findings suggest decrements in perceived safety and physical activity are important processes that might explain why neighborhood crime is associated with greater BMI.

Few studies have assessed objectively measured physical activity (PA), active transportation, psychological distress and neighborhood perceptions among residents of a neighborhood before and after substantial improvements in its physical environment. Also, most research-to-date has employed study designs subject to neighborhood selection, which may introduce bias in reported findings. We built upon a previously enrolled cohort of households from two low-income predominantly African American Pittsburgh neighborhoods, matched on socio-demographic composition including race/ethnicity, income and education. One of the two neighborhoods received substantial neighborhood investments over the course of this study including, but not limited to public housing development and greenspace/landscaping. We implemented a natural experiment using matched intervention and control neighborhoods and conducted pre-post assessments among the cohort. Our comprehensive assessments included accelerometry-based PA, active transportation, psychological distress and perceptions of the neighborhood, with assessments conducted both prior to and following the neighborhood changes. In 2013, we collected data from 1003 neighborhood participants and in 2016, we re-interviewed 676 of those participants. We conducted an intent to treat analysis, with a difference-in-difference estimator using attrition weighting to account for nonresponse between 2013 and 2016. In addition, we derived an individual-level indicator of exposure to neighbourhood investment and estimated effect of exposure to investment on the same set of outcomes using covariate-adjusted models. We observed no statistically significant differences in activity, psychological distress, satisfaction with one’s neighborhood as a place to live or any of the other measures we observed prior to and after the neighborhood investments between the intervention and control neighborhoods or those exposed vs not exposed to investments. Using this rigorous study design, we observed no significant changes in the intervention neighborhood above and beyond secular trends present in the control neighborhood. Although neighborhood investment may have other benefits, we failed to see improvement in PA, psychological distress or related outcomes in the low-income African American neighborhoods in our study. This may be an indication that improvements in the physical environment may not directly translate into improvements in residents’ physical activity or health outcomes without additional individual-level interventions. It is also possible that these investments were not dramatic enough to spur change within the three year period. Additional studies employing similar design with other cohorts in other settings are needed to confirm these results. Trial Registration is not applicable since we did not prospectively assign individuals to a health-related intervention.

Lack of geographic access to foods has been postulated as a cause for food insecurity, which has been linked to poor nutrition, obesity, and chronic disease. Building on an established cohort of randomly selected households from a low-income, predominantly Black neighborhood, we examined household food security, distance to where study participants reported doing their major food shopping, and prices at stores where they shopped. Data from the Pittsburgh Hill/Homewood Research on Eating, Shopping, and Health study for years 2011, 2014 and 2018 was limited to residents of the neighborhood that began as a food desert (i.e., low access to healthy foods), but acquired a full-service supermarket in 2013. We calculated descriptive statistics and compared study participants in the former food desert neighborhood whose food security improved to those whose food security did not improve across survey waves. We estimated cross sectional linear regressions using all waves of data to assess food security level among study participants. Distance to major food shopping store was positively associated with food security (p < 0.05) while food-store prices were not significantly associated with food security. Findings suggest that for predominantly low-income residents, food secure individuals traveled further for their major food shopping.

Background: Improving the neighborhood environment may help address chronic disease and mortality. To identify neighborhood features that are predictors of health, objective assessments of the environment are used. Multiple studies have reported on cross-sectional assessments of health-related neighborhood features using direct observation. As study designs expand to better understand causation and predictors of change, there is a need to test whether direct observation methods are adequate for longitudinal assessment. To our knowledge, this is the first study to report on the reliability of repeated measurements of the neighborhood environment, and their stability, over time. Methods: The Pittsburgh Hill/Homewood Research on Neighborhood Change and Health (PHRESH) study conducted longitudinal assessments in two low-income, African American neighborhoods at three waves (years 2012, 2015, 2017). The PHRESH audit tool is a modification of earlier validated tools, with an emphasis on environment features relevant for physical activity, sleep, and obesogenic behaviors. Trained data-collector pairs conducted direct observations of a 25% sample of street segments in each neighborhood. At each wave, we audited a sub-sample of street segments twice and assessed reliability using percentage inter-observer agreement and krippendorf’s alpha statistics. Stability of these items was assessed as exhibiting moderate or high agreement at every time point. Results: Across waves, a majority (81%) of the items consistently demonstrated moderate to high agreement except for items such as public/communal space, amount of shade, sidewalk features, number of traffic lanes, garden/flower bed/planter, art/statue/monument, amount of trash, and physical disorder. The list of items with poor agreement includes features that are easy to miss (e.g. flower bed/planter), hard to assess from outside (e.g. public/communal space), or may change quickly (e.g. amount of trash). Conclusion: In this paper, we have described implementation methods, reliability results and lessons learned to inform future studies of change. We found the use of consistent methods allowed us to conduct reliable, replicable longitudinal assessments of the environment. Items that did not exhibit stability are less useful for detecting real change over time. Overall, the PHRESH direct observation tool is an effective and practical instrument to detect change in the neighborhood environment.

While individual correlates of loneliness are well established, less is known about whether neighborhood characteristics modify these associations. Guided by the Ecological Theory of Aging, this study examined whether subjective and objective neighborhood factors moderated cross-sectional associations between key individual characteristics (age, gender, physical function) and loneliness among adults in two predominantly Black Pittsburgh, PA neighborhoods. Data were drawn from the Think PHRESH study (N = 694), an ancillary to a longitudinal cohort study of the Pittsburgh Hill/Homewood Research on Neighborhood Change and Health (PHRESH). Loneliness was measured using the UCLA 3-item scale. Subjective neighborhood factors included perceived safety and neighborhood satisfaction. Objective factors included neighborhood socioeconomic deprivation and residential instability from Census data. Multivariable linear regressions with interaction terms tested moderation effects, followed by stratified analyses for significant interactions. Among those perceiving their neighborhoods as less safe, middle-aged adults (50-65 years) and older adults (≥65 years) reported significantly higher loneliness compared to younger adults (31-49 years). These age-related differences were not observed among those reporting high safety. A similar pattern emerged for neighborhood satisfaction: greater loneliness was reported among middle-aged and older adults with low neighborhood satisfaction, but not among those with high satisfaction. Physical limitations were also linked to greater loneliness among those with low perceived safety or neighborhood satisfaction. Women living in more deprived neighborhoods reported higher loneliness than men, while no gender differences were observed in less deprived areas. These findings suggest that neighborhood perceptions may be salient in shaping loneliness and that neighborhood disadvantage may exacerbate gendered vulnerabilities to loneliness. Future research should investigate the mechanisms through which neighborhood perceptions develop and influence loneliness over time, and evaluate interventions addressing both individual and contextual determinants of loneliness in historically marginalized communities.