This paper reports on income generation practices among civil servants in the health sector, with a particular emphasis on dual practice. It first approaches the subject of public–private overlap. Thereafter it focuses on coping strategies in general and then on dual practice in particular.To compensate for unrealistically low salaries, health workers rely on individual coping strategies. Many clinicians combine salaried, public-sector clinical work with a fee-for-service private clientele. This dual practice is often a means by which health workers try to meet their survival needs, reflecting the inability of health ministries to ensure adequate salaries and working conditions.Dual practice may be considered present in most countries, if not all. Nevertheless, there is surprisingly little hard evidence about the extent to which health workers resort to dual practice, about the balance of economic and other motives for doing so, or about the consequences for the proper use of the scarce public resources dedicated to health.In this paper dual practice is approached from six different perspectives: (1) conceptual, regarding what is meant by dual practice; (2) descriptive, trying to develop a typology of dual practices; (3) quantitative, trying to determine its prevalence; (4) impact on personal income, the health care system and health status; (5) qualitative, looking at the reasons why practitioners so frequently remain in public practice while also working in the private sector and at contextual, personal life, institutional and professional factors that make it easier or more difficult to have dual practices; and (6) possible interventions to deal with dual practice.

Current health policy directions in Zambia are formulated in the National Health Strategic Plan. The Plan focuses on national health priorities, which include the human resources (HR) crisis. In this paper we describe the way the HRH establishment is distributed in the different provinces of Zambia, with a view to assess the dimension of shortages and of imbalances in the distribution of health workers by province and by level of care.

This paper is an attempt to identify individual coping strategies of doctors in sub‐Saharan Africa. It also provides some indication of the ‘effectiveness’ of these strategies in terms of income generation, and analyses their potential impact on the functioning of the health care system. It is based on semi‐structured interviews of 21 doctors working in the public health sector in sub‐Saharan Africa and attending in 1995 an international Master's course in Public Health in Belgium or in Portugal.This small sample of physicians yielded reports about 28 different types of individual strategies. Most of these potentially affect health service delivery more through reduced availability of staff than through the more blatant misappropriations. Activities related to the health field are mentioned most often. Allowances and per diems seem to be top regarding frequency and effectiveness, followed by secondary jobs, private practice or gifts from patients. None of the interviewees, however, admits using public resources for private purposes. Side activities may bring in very considerable amounts of income, out of proportion to the official salary, and can also be very time consuming. Nevertheless, all interviewees identify themselves in the first place as civil servants.Individual coping strategies may lead to undesirable side‐effects for health care delivery, through a net transfer of resources (qualified personnel‐time and material resources) from the public to the private‐for‐profit sector. There may also be positive effects though, be it in terms of mobilization of additional resources, of stabilization of qualified personnel or of realization of professional goals. However, these emerging strategies call for innovative mechanisms, likely to shape coping strategies in such a way that they remain compatible with equity and quality of care to the population.

Objective: To explore the type of private practice supplementary income-generating activities of public sector doctors in the Portuguese-speaking African countries, and also to discover the motivations and the reasons why doctors have not made a complete move out of public service. Design: cross-sectional qualitative survey. Subjects: In 1996, 28 Angolan doctors, 26 from Guinea-Bissau, 11 from Mozambique and three from S Tomé and Principe answered a self-administered questionnaire. Results: All doctors, except one unemployed, were government employees. Forty-three of the 68 doctors that answered the questionnaire reported an income-generating activity other than the one reported as principal. Of all the activities mentioned, the ones of major economic importance were: public sector medical care, private medical care, commercial activities, agricultural activities and university teaching. The two outstanding reasons why they engage in their various side-activities are ‘to meet the cost of living’ and ‘to support the extended family’. Public sector salaries are supplemented by private practice. Interviewees estimated the time a family could survive on their public sector salary at seven days (median value). The public sector salary still provides most of the interviewees income (median 55%) for the rural doctors, but has become marginal for those in the urban areas (median 10%). For the latter, private practice has become of paramount importance (median 65%). For 26 respondents, the median equivalent of one month's public sector salary could be generated by seven hours of private practice. Nevertheless, being a civil servant was important in terms of job security, and credibility as a doctor. The social contacts and public service gave access to power centres and resources, through which other coping strategies could be developed. The expectations regarding the professional future and regarding the health systems future were related mostly to health personnel issues. Conclusion: The variable response rate per question reflects some resistance to discuss some of the issues, particularly those related to income. Nevertheless, these studies may provide an indication of what is happening in professional medical circles in response to the inability of the public sector to sustain a credible system of health care delivery. There can be no doubt that for these doctors the notion of a doctor as a full-time civil-servant is a thing of the past. Switching between public and private is now a fact of life.

The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the professional expectations of medical students during the 2007-2008 academic year at the public medical schools of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, and to identify their social and geographical origins, their professional expectations and difficulties relating to their education and professional future. Data were collected through a standardised questionnaire applied to all medical students registered during the 2007-2008 academic year. Students decide to study medicine at an early age. Relatives and friends seem to have an especially important influence in encouraging, reinforcing and promoting the desire to be a doctor. The degree of feminization of the student population differs among the different countries. Although most medical students are from outside the capital cities, expectations of getting into medical school are already associated with migration from the periphery to the capital city, even before entering medical education. Academic performance is poor. This seems to be related to difficulties in accessing materials, finances and insufficient high school preparation. Medical students recognize the public sector demand but their expectations are to combine public sector practice with private work, in order to improve their earnings. Salary expectations of students vary between the three countries. Approximately 75% want to train as hospital specialists and to follow a hospital-based career. A significant proportion is unsure about their future area of specialization, which for many students is equated with migration to study abroad. Medical education is an important national investment, but the returns obtained are not as efficient as expected. Investments in high-school preparation, tutoring, and infrastructure are likely to have a significant impact on the success rate of medical schools. Special attention should be given to the socialization of students and the role model status of their teachers. In countries with scarce medical resources, the hospital orientation of students' expectations is understandable, although it should be associated with the development of skills to coordinate hospital work with the network of peripheral facilities. Developing a local postgraduate training capacity for doctors might be an important strategy to help retain medical doctors in the home country.