Considerable policy action has focused on the social patterning of health, especially the health risks associated with low income. More recent attention has turned to transport, food systems, workplaces, and location, and the way their intersections with social position and income create health inequalities. Time is another dimension that structures what people do; yet the way in which time contours health has been neglected. This paper explores (a) how time might influence health, and (b) the way in which time scarcity complicates current understandings of health inequalities. Alongside other meanings, time can be thought of as a health resource. People need time to access health services, build close relationships, exercise, work, play, care, and consume—all activities that are fundamental to health. There is evidence that the experience of time pressure is directly related to poorer mental health. Lack of time is also the main reason people give for not taking exercise or eating healthy food. Thus, another impact of time scarcity may be its prevention of activities and behaviours critical for good health. We investigate whether time scarcity, like financial pressure, is socially patterned, and thus likely to generate health inequality. The experience of time scarcity appears to be linked to variations in time devoted to employment or caring—activities closely bound to gender, status, and life course. One reason that time scarcity is socially patterned is because of the way in which caring is valued, allocated, and negotiated in households and the market. Adding paid employment to caring workloads is now normative, transforming the allocation of time within families. But caring requires a close interlocking with others' needs, which are often urgent and unpredictable, creating conflict with the linear, scheduled, and commodified approach to time required in the workplace. We review the evidence for the possibility that these time pressures are indeed contributing to socially patterned health inequalities among people caring for others. We also explore the potential for time scarcity to compound other sources of health inequality through interplays with income and space (urban form, transportation networks and place of residence). People who are both time and income poor, such as lone mothers, may face compounding barriers to good health, and the urban geography of time-scarce families represents the embedding of time–money–space trade-offs linked to physical location. In Australia and the US, poorer families are more likely to live in mid to outer suburbs, necessitating longer commutes to work. These suburbs have inferior public transport access, and can lack goods and services essential to health such as shops selling fresh foods. We conclude with a tentative framework for considering time and health in the context of policy actions. For example, social policy efforts to increase workforce participation may be economically necessary, but could have time-related consequences that alter health. Similarly, if cities are to be made livable, health promoting, and more equitable, urban designers need to understand time and time–income–space trade-offs. Indeed, many social policies and planning and health interventions involve time dimensions which, if they remain unacknowledged, could further compound time pressures and time-related health inequality.

Malaria causes significant morbidity and mortality worldwide. There are several preventive measures that are currently employed, including insecticide-treated nets (ITNs, including long-lasting insecticidal nets and insecticidal-treated bed nets), indoor residual spraying (IRS), prophylactic drugs (PD), and untreated nets (UN). However, it is unclear which measure is the most effective for malaria prevention. We therefore undertook a network meta-analysis to compare the efficacy of different preventive measures on incidence of malaria infection. A systematic literature review was undertaken across four medical and life sciences databases (PubMed, Cochrane Central, Embase, and Web of Science) from their inception to July 2016 to compare the effectiveness of different preventive measures on malaria incidence. Data from the included studies were analysed for the effectiveness of several measures against no intervention (NI). This was carried out using an automated generalized pairwise modeling (GPM) framework for network meta-analysis to generate mixed treatment effects against a common comparator of no intervention (NI). There were 30 studies that met the inclusion criteria from 1998–2016. The GPM framework led to a final ranking of effectiveness of measures in the following order from best to worst: PD, ITN, IRS and UN, in comparison with NI. However, only ITN (RR: 0.49, 95% CI: 0.32–0.74) showed precision while other methods [PD (RR: 0.24, 95% CI: 0.004–15.43), IRS (RR: 0.55, 95% CI: 0.20–1.56) and UN (RR: 0.73, 95% CI: 0.28–1.90)] demonstrating considerable uncertainty associated with their point estimates. Current evidence is strong for the protective effect of ITN interventions in malaria prevention. Even though ITNs were found to be the only preventive measure with statistical support for their effectiveness, the role of other malaria control measures may be important adjuncts in the global drive to eliminate malaria.

Background: Thailand is undergoing a health-risk transition with overweight and obesity emerging as an important population health problem. This paper reports on a study of the transition, focusing on “lifestyle” factors such as diet (fried foods, soft drinks, Western-style fast foods) and physical activity (mild, moderate, strenuous exercise, housework/gardening and screen time). Methods: A baseline survey was administered to 87 134 adult students from all regions of Thailand attending an open university. Results: 54% of the cohort was female. Participants’ median age was 29 years. By self-reported Asian standards, 16% of the sample was obese (body mass index (BMI)⩾25) and 15% overweight at risk (BMI⩾23–24.9). Men were twice as likely as women to be overweight (21% vs 9%) or obese (23% vs 10%). Obesity was associated with urban residence and doing little housework or gardening and with spending more than 4 hours a day watching television or using computers. The latter occurred among 30% of the cohort, with a population attributable fraction (PAF) suggesting that it accounts for 11% of the current problem. Daily consumption of fried food was associated with obesity, and eating fried foods every second day or daily had a PAF of nearly 20%. Conclusions: These health-related behaviours underpinning the Thai health transition are associated with increasing obesity. They are modifiable through policies addressing structural issues and with targeted health promotion activities to prevent future obesity gains. Insights into future trends in the Thai health transition can be gained as this student cohort ages.

Background: In Australia, as elsewhere in the developed world, researchers and policy makers have expressed concern about rising rates of obesity. Explanations for the increasing weight of the Australian population have focused on both declining levels of physical activity and changes in food consumption patterns. Methods: The primary aim of our study was to determine the views of obesity, dietary and physical activity experts, about the most important social trends that have contributed to Australia's obesogenic environment over the last 50 years. We used a modified Delphi technique to successfully contact 50 such experts to obtain their views on this topic. The process involved a semi-structured interview with each expert to identify the trends and then a round of ranking of the trends by these experts. A second aim was to comment on the utility of expert opinion in public policy. Results: The experts identified the most important social trends as ‘escalating car reliance’, ‘increasing “busy-ness” and lack of time’ and ‘rising use of convenience and pre-prepared food’. Because we asked experts to explain their responses, a diversity of opinion emerged on both the aetiology of these trends and how the environment is embodied to produce rising levels of obesity. Conclusion: We reflect on the implications of this dissensus for the utility of expert opinion in public policy and argue that one way through the smorgasboard of competing expert explanations for health differentials, including obesity levels, is practice-based evidence gathered through community level action research.

Our research investigates the significance of frequent solo consumption of main meals and the association with a holistic wellbeing measure of happiness using data from 39820 Thai Cohort Study members who completed 8-year follow-up in 2013. This nationwide cohort has been under study since 2005 to analyse the dynamics and determinants of the health-risk transition from infectious to chronic diseases. Here we analyse data from the 2009 and 2013 follow-ups. Approximately 11% reported eating more than half of the main meals per week alone. Sociodemographic attributes associated with eating alone were being male, older age, unmarried, smaller household, lower income, and urban residence. Dissatisfaction with amount of spare time (ie ‘busyness’) was also linked to eating alone. In the multivariate cross-sectional model, reporting being unhappy was associated with frequent solo eating (Adjusted Odds Ratio – AOR 1.54, 95% Confidence Intervals 1.30-1.83). Stratified by age and sex groups, the effects were strongest among females (AOR 1.90 1.52-2.38). A monotonic relationship linked frequent eating alone and 4-year longitudinal unhappiness. The larger the dose of unhappiness the greater the odds of eating alone – AOR 1.29, 1.31, 1.72 after controlling for potential covariates. Having a meal is not only important for nutritional and health outcomes; it is also a vital part of daily social interaction. Our study provided empirical evidence from a non-Western setting that sharing meals could contribute to increasing happiness.

Heavy alcohol consumption is an established risk factor for non-communicable diseases (NCDs) but few studies have investigated drinking and disease risk in middle income, non-western countries. We report on the relationship between alcohol consumption and NCDs in Thailand. A nationwide cross sectional survey was conducted of 87,151 Thai adult open university students aged 15 to 87 years (mean age 30.5 years) who were recruited into the Thai Cohort Study. Participants were categorized as never having drunk alcohol (n = 22,527), as being occasional drinkers who drank infrequently but heavily (4+ glasses/occasion - occasional heavy drinkers, n = 24,152) or drank infrequently and less heavily (<4 glasses/occasion - occasional light drinkers, n = 26,861). Current regular drinkers were subdivided into those who either drank heavily (4 + glasses per occasion - regular heavy drinkers, n = 3,675) or those who drank less (<4 glasses/occasion -regular light drinkers, n = 490). There were 7,548 ex-drinkers in the study. Outcomes were lifetime diagnoses of self-reported NCDs and obesity (body mass index ≥ 25). Most women were never drinkers (40 % among females) or occasional light drinkers (39 %), in contrast to men (11 % and 22 %, respectively). Alcohol consumption was associated with urban in-migration and other recognized risks for NCDs (sedentary lifestyle and poor diet). After adjustment for these factors the odds ratios (ORs) for several NCDs outcomes - high cholesterol, hypertension, and liver disease - were significantly elevated among both occasional heavy drinkers (1.2 to 1.5) and regular heavy drinkers (1.5 to 2.0) relative to never drinkers. Heavy alcohol consumption of 4 or more glasses per occasion, even if the occasions were infrequent, was associated with elevated risk of NCDs in Thailand. These results highlight the need for strategies in Thailand to reduce the quantity of alcohol consumed to prevent alcohol-related disease. Thailand is fortunate that most of the female population is culturally protected from drinking and this national public good should be endorsed and supported.