Black people living in the United States suffer disproportionate morbidity and mortality across a wide range of neurologic conditions. Despite common conceptions to the contrary, “race” is a socially defined construct with little genetic validity. Therefore, racial health inequities in neurology (“neurodisparities”) are not a consequence of biologic differences between races. Instead, racism and associated social determinants of health are the root of neurodisparities. To date, many neurologists have neglected racism as a root cause of neurologic disease, further perpetuating the problem. Structural racism, largely ignored in current neurologic practice and policy, drives neurodisparities through mediators such as excessive poverty, inferior health insurance, and poorer access to neurologic and preventative care. Interpersonal racism (implicit or explicit) and associated discriminatory practices in neurologic research, workforce advancement, and medical education also exacerbate neurodisparities. Neurologists cannot fulfill their professional and ethical responsibility to care for Black patients without understanding how racism, not biologic race, drives neurodisparities. In our review of race, racism, and race-based disparities in neurology, we highlight the current literature on neurodisparities across a wide range of neurologic conditions and focus on racism as the root cause. We discuss why all neurologists are ethically and professionally obligated to actively promote measures to counteract racism. We conclude with a call for actions that should be implemented by individual neurologists and professional neurologic organizations to mitigate racism and work towards health equity in neurology.

This is the first systematic review and meta-analysis assessing cardiovascular disease incidence and risk factors among refugees and asylum seekers. PubMed, PsycINFO, CINAHL, and Embase databases were searched for studies in English from January 1, 1977, to March 8, 2020. Inclusion criteria were (1) observation of refugee history in participants; (2) diagnosis of CVD (coronary artery disease, heart failure, stroke, or CVD mortality) and risk factors (hypertension, diabetes, tobacco use, hyperlipidemia, obesity, psychosocial factors); (3) assessment of effect size and spread, (4) adjustment for sex; and (5) comparison with non-refugee migrants or natives. Data were extracted and evaluated by multiple reviewers for study quality. Of the 1158 screened articles, Participants from 7 studies (0.6%) involving 116.989 refugees living in Denmark, Sweden, and the United States were included in the systematic review, of which three studies synthesized the quantitative analyses. A fixed-effects model was created to pool the effect sizes of included studies. The pooled incidence of CVD in refugees was 1.71 (95% CI: 1.03, 2.83) compared with non-refugee counterparts. Pyschosocial factors were associated with increased risk of CVD in refugees but evidence on CVD risk factors varied by nativity and duration since resettlement. Refugee experience is an independent risk factor for CVD. Robust research on CVD in displaced populations is needed to improve the quality of evidence, clinical and preventive care, and address health equity in this marginalized population globally.

Objective: Understanding factors contributing to neurobehavioral symptom burden among intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors has important implications for prevention, screening, and intervention in this vulnerable population. This study aimed to (1) identify the relationship between childhood trauma and neurobehavioral symptoms among a shelter- and community-based sample of IPV survivors, including investigating the mediating role of posttraumatic stress symptoms and alexithymia in this relationship; (2) assess the association between IPV-related brain injury (BI) severity and neurobehavioral symptoms; and (3) assesses whether physical, emotional, or cognitive domains of neurobehavioral symptom burden show differential associations with childhood trauma or IPV-related BI. Setting: Community sites serving women who had experienced IPV such as domestic violence shelters and transitional housing sites. Participants: Women survivors of IPV with and without BI (n = 99), aged 18 to 54 years. Design: Retrospective, cross-sectional study design. Measures: The following self-reported questionnaires were used: Rivermead Post Concussion Questionnaire (RPQ); Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ); a modified version of the Conflict Tactics Scale; Brain Injury Severity Assessment (BISA); Clinician-Administered PTSD Scale for DSM IV; and Toronto Alexithymia Scale. The final multivariate regression model assessed the association between childhood abuse, BI severity, and neurobehavioral symptoms (as measured by the RPQ) adjusting for age, educational attainment, and abuse in the past year. We created separate models with total neurobehavioral symptom score as an outcome, as well as somatic, emotional, and cognitive symptom scores. We used structural equation modeling to assess whether posttraumatic stress and alexithymia mediated the effect of childhood trauma and neurobehavioral symptoms. Results: Childhood trauma was associated with higher levels (P < .01) of overall neurobehavioral symptom burden in women independent of BI and specifically associated with RPQ Emotional and Somatic subscale symptoms (P ≤ .05). BI was positively associated with somatic symptoms in the full sample and cognitive neurobehavioral symptoms in the sample of women with IPV-related BI (P < .05) independent of childhood trauma. Posttraumatic stress symptoms, but not alexithymia, partially mediated the effect of childhood trauma effect on neurobehavioral symptoms. Conclusion: Childhood trauma and BI should not be overlooked as part of efforts to meet the needs of IPV survivors who may experience a range of emotional, somatic, and cognitive symptoms.

Studies have suggested that increased enforcement of immigration policies, deportations, and rhetoric critical of immigration during and after the 2016 US presidential election have reduced the willingness of immigrants to access health and social services^1-3 and have been associated with adverse health outcomes, such as decreases in birth weights and increases in mental health disorders.^4,5 Similar consequences have been documented after the increased enforcement of state immigration policies^6-8 and the occurrence of immigration enforcement actions in the workplace.^9,10 The consequences may extend to the physical and mental health of US-born ethnic minority populations who are perceived to be immigrants.^11,12 Children born in the United States in families with mixed immigration status may also experience consequences. For instance, 1 in 4 American children with Latino ancestry belong to families with mixed immigration status¹³; such families appear to have lower than expected rates of participation in federally funded health and social programs, such as Medicaid; the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children; and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.^14,15

A crisis of mass immigration detention exists in the United States, which is home to the world's largest immigration detention system. The immigration detention system is legally classified as civil, rather than criminal, and therefore non-punitive. Yet it mimics the criminal incarceration system and holds detained individuals in punitive, prison-like conditions. Within immigration detention centers, there are increasing reports and recognition of civil and human rights abuses, including preventable in-custody deaths. In this paper, we propose understanding the health impacts of detention as an accumulation of mental and physical trauma that take place during the entirety of a detained immigrant's experience, from migration to potential deportation and removal. Further, we explore the social-structural determinants of health as they relate to immigration detention, contextualize these determinants within a human rights framework, and draw parallels to the larger context of US mass incarceration. Realizing the right to health requires addressing these social-structural determinants of health. For the care of immigrant patients to be effective, clinicians and public health professionals must incorporate an awareness of the health risks of the immigration detention system into trauma- and human rights-informed models of care during and after detention.