Introduction Obesity levels are high and increasing worldwide. Being overweight is linked with increased death rates and contributes to a wide range of conditions, including ischaemic heart disease, hypertension, stroke, diabetes, certain cancers, and diseases of the gall bladder.1 The principal cause of obesity is an imbalance between energy intake and energy expenditure. And there is growing recognition that, independently of individual characteristics, place of residence may be associated with health outcomes, including body size2 and health related behaviours, such as level of physical exercise.3 Few studies have explored which features of the local neighbourhood might be related to these outcomes or behaviours, although perceived attractiveness has been found to be related to levels of physical activity.4 Levels of incivilities, such as litter and graffiti, are associated with poorer health outcomes such as general wellbeing but not, to our knowledge, with levels of physical activity. Few studies use objectively measured indicators of the residential environment or similar research instruments across different settings. Based on our previous work, we hypothesised that areas which are pleasant with lots of greenery and few incivilities might encourage people to take exercise and thereby influence levels of obesity.

This paper describes an analysis of perceptions of the local residential environment and self-reported health in four socially contrasting neighbourhoods in Glasgow in the late 1990s. After adjusting for individual characteristics such as age, sex and social class, neighbourhood of residence predicted perceptions of problems and neighbourhood cohesion in the area: and self-assessed health, mental health and recent symptoms were associated with perceived local problems and neighbourhood cohesion. Housing tenure and employment status also predicted perceptions of the neighbourhood. These results support the importance of tackling anti-social problems in worst-off areas and of neighbourhood management across a range of areas.

It has commonly been suggested that in modern cities individual or household deprivation (for example, low income or education) is amplified by area level deprivation (for example, lack of jobs or good schools), in ways which damage the health of the poorest and increase health inequalities. The aim of this study was to determine the location of a range of resources and exposures by deprivation in a UK city. We examined the location of 42 resources in Glasgow City, Scotland, in 2005-2006, by quintile of small area deprivation. Measures included number per 1000 population, network distance to nearest resource, and percentage of data zones containing at least one of each type of resource. Twelve resources had higher density in, and/or were closer to or more common in, more deprived neighbourhoods: public nurseries, public primary schools, police stations, pharmacies, credit unions, post offices, bus stops, bingo halls, public swimming pools, public sports centres, outdoor play areas, and vacant and derelict land/buildings. Sixteen had higher density in, and/or were closer to, or more common in, more affluent neighbourhoods: public secondary schools, private schools, banks, building societies, museums/art galleries, railway stations, subway stations, tennis courts, bowling greens, private health clubs, private swimming pools, colleges, A & E hospitals, parks, waste disposal sites, and tourist attractions. Private nurseries, Universities, fire stations, general, dental and ophthalmic practices, pawn brokers, ATMs, supermarkets, fast food chains, cafes, public libraries, golf courses, and cinemas showed no clear pattern by deprivation. Thus it appears that in the early 21st century access to resources does not always disadvantage poorer neighbourhoods in the UK. We conclude that we need to ensure that theories and policies are based on up-to-date and context-specific empirical evidence on the distribution of neighbourhood resources, and to engage in further research on interactions between individual and environmental factors in shaping health and health inequalities.