In this international, longitudinal study, we explored gender differences in, and gendered relationships among, math-related motivations emphasized in the Eccles (Parsons) et al. (1983) expectancy-value framework, high school math participation, educational aspirations, and career plans. Participants were from Australia, Canada, and the United States (Ns = 358, 471, 418, respectively) in Grades 9/10 at Time 1 and Grades 11/12 at Time 2. The 3 samples came from suburban middle to upper-middle socioeconomic backgrounds, primarily of Anglo-European descent. Multivariate analyses of variance revealed stereotypic gender differences in educational and occupational outcomes only among the Australian sample. Multigroup structural equation models identified latent mean differences where male adolescents held higher intrinsic value for math in the Australian sample and higher ability/success expectancy in both North American samples. Ability/success expectancy was a key predictor in the North American samples, in contrast to intrinsic value in the Australian sample. Attainment/utility ("importance") values were more important for female adolescents' career choices, except in the Australian sample. Findings are interpreted in relation to gender socialization practices, degree and type of early choice, and specialization across settings. Implications are discussed for long-term math engagement and career selection for female and male adolescents. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).

The last decades of neuroscience research have produced immense progress in the methods available to understand brain structure and function. Social, cognitive, clinical, affective, economic, communication, and developmental neurosciences have begun to map the relationships between neuro-psychological processes and behavioral outcomes, yielding a new understanding of human behavior and promising interventions. However, a limitation of this fast moving research is that most findings are based on small samples of convenience. Furthermore, our understanding of individual differences may be distorted by unrepresentative samples, undermining findings regarding brain–behavior mechanisms. These limitations are issues that social demographers, epidemiologists, and other population scientists have tackled, with solutions that can be applied to neuroscience. By contrast, nearly all social science disciplines, including social demography, sociology, political science, economics, communication science, and psychology, make assumptions about processes that involve the brain, but have incorporated neural measures to differing, and often limited, degrees; many still treat the brain as a black box. In this article, we describe and promote a perspective—population neuroscience—that leverages interdisciplinary expertise to (i) emphasize the importance of sampling to more clearly define the relevant populations and sampling strategies needed when using neuroscience methods to address such questions; and (ii) deepen understanding of mechanisms within population science by providing insight regarding underlying neural mechanisms. Doing so will increase our confidence in the generalizability of the findings. We provide examples to illustrate the population neuroscience approach for specific types of research questions and discuss the potential for theoretical and applied advances from this approach across areas.

Children enter elementary school with widely different skill levels in core subjects. Whether because of differences in aptitude or in preparedness, these initial skill differences often translate into systematic disparities in achievement over time. How can teachers reduce these disparities? Three possibilities are to offer basic skills training, to expose students to higher order instruction, or to provide socioemotional support. Repeated measures analyses of longitudinal data from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development revealed that children with low, average, or high math skills prior to elementary school followed different but parallel trajectories of math achievement up through fifth grade. When enrolled in classes with inference-based instruction, however, the initially least skilled children narrowed the achievement gap as long as they did not have conflictual relations with their teachers. They did not make this kind of progress if they were in classes focused exclusively on basic skills instruction or if they were in inference-focused classes but had conflictual relations with teachers.

This study examined the development of young people's understanding of nurturance and self-determination rights. One hundred and sixty-nine participants from 5 age groups (8, 10, 12, 14, and 16 years of age) participated in a semistructured interview containing hypothetical vignettes, in which a story character wished to exercise a self-determination right or nurturance right that conflicted with the wishes or practices of those in authority. Participants were asked to decide if they would support the story character's request for rights and to justify their decisions. Younger children (8- to 12-year-olds) were significantly less likely to identify both nurturance and self-determination rights as salient than were older participants (14- to 16-year-olds). The types of reasoning participants exhibited for the two types of rights differed at all ages. Reasoning about nurturance rights did not show an age-related progression from concrete to abstract, whereas reasoning about self-determination rights was more likely to exhibit such a progression. Results suggest that previous attempts to explain the development of understanding of rights in terms of global stages does not fully capture children's and adolescents' reasoning, and, in particular, such a framework may not account for the differences in young people's thinking about the 2 types of rights.

Growth curve modelling was used to trace the trajectory of the prestige dimension of career aspirations from Grade 9 through to 3 years after high school, as a function of gender and early high school math achievement. The sample consisted of 218 university-bound adolescents (129 female, 89 male). Initial aspiration levels, the slope, and the curvature of the trajectories all differed significantly as a function of Grade 9 math performance. No significant gender or gender by achievement effects were found. These results support the notion that math achievement functions as a “critical filter” to subsequent career aspirations, with youth who performed poorly in Grade 9 math aspiring to careers that were of lower prestige. Implications of this research are discussed in terms of the development of young women's career aspirations, vocational outcomes, and involvement in higher level mathematics education.