In this paper we are concerned with what explains public acceptance and support of environmental taxes. We examine findings in environmental psychology emphasizing that people’s (environmental) value-orientation is the dominant driver determining individuals’ support for pro-environmental policy instruments. We introduce a complementary model, mainly drawing upon findings in political science, suggesting that people’s support for policy instruments is dependent on their level of political trust and their trust in other citizens. More specifically, we analyze whether political trust and inter-personal trust affect individuals’ support for an increased carbon dioxide tax in Sweden, while checking their value orientation, self-interest, and various socio-economic values. We make use of survey data obtained from a mail questionnaire sent out to a random sample of 3,000 individuals in 2009. We find that apart from people’s values, beliefs, and norms, both political trust and interpersonal trust have significant effects on people's attitudes toward an increased tax on carbon dioxide.

Aim: Geo‐referenced species occurrence records are a prime example of biodiversity data and a cornerstone of biodiversity research. Yet, their availability depends on non‐biological factors, including the political framework in the region of collection. Here we present Bio‐Dem (www.bio‐dem.surge.sh), an open‐source software to explore the relationship between the availability of species occurrence records and the political framework in countries worldwide and through time.Location: Global.Taxon: Any.Methods: Bio‐Dem accesses the number of occurrence records available from countries worldwide from the Global Biodiversity Information Facility (www.gbif.org) and socio‐political information from these countries from the Varieties of Democracy database (www.v‐dem.net) as well as information on colonial history from the Issue Correlates of War Project.Results: Bio‐Dem is available as a free graphical user interface web application at www.bio‐dem.surge.sh. Through three interactive graphs, Bio‐Dem enables users to explore the relationship between species occurrence records and countries’ regime type, freedom of movement, freedom of association, gross domestic product, education length, political corruption, armed conflict and colonial history. We describe possible links of these specific political indicators with the collection and mobilization of biodiversity data. Illustrative examples and video tutorials explaining the use of Bio‐Dem are available at www.bio‐dem.surge.sh.Main conclusions: Bio‐Dem provides a user‐friendly way to explore the link between socio‐political variables and the availability of species occurrence records in user‐selected taxa and geographic regions, and to generate hypotheses on their connection. We envision Bio‐Dem as a useful tool for teachers communicating the caveats of available biodiversity data, for biodiversity scientists exploring potential spatial and temporal bias in their data, and for social scientists exploring the impact of political systems on scientific data collection and biodiversity conservation.

The apparent unpopularity of the Swedish carbon tax on fuels for passenger cars is examined in relation to alternative climate policy measures to decrease carbon emissions from private transport. Using original survey data, it is found that the carbon tax may not be as unpopular as is typically conjectured. Differently put, its (un)popularity is partly determined by how it is framed in today's debate on how society should combat climate change. It is also found that since the total social cost of combating climate change may actually increase as a result of replacing the carbon tax with alternatives, e.g. subsidised green fuels and expanded public transportation, there is a rationale for informing the public about the costs of those policy alternatives. If it is desirable to implement environmental taxes or to increase existing ones, they should perhaps be framed differently than they are today. One suggestion is to present the taxes in relation to the alternatives, where the means to finance them are given along with comparisons of both their likely effects on emissions and their private and social costs.

The phenomenon of collective action and the origin of collective action problems have been extensively and systematically studied in the social sciences. Yet, while we have substantial knowledge about the factors promoting collective action at the local level, we know far less about how these insights travel to large-scale collective action problems. Such problems, however, are at the heart of humanity’s most pressing challenges, including climate change, large-scale natural resource depletion, biodiversity loss, nuclear proliferation, antibiotic resistance due to overconsumption of antibiotics, and pollution. In this paper, we suggest an analytical framework that captures the theoretical understanding of preconditions for large-scale collective action. This analytical framework aims at supporting future empirical analyses of how to cope with and overcome larger-scale collective action problems. More specifically, we (i) define and describe the main characteristics of a large-scale collective action problem and (ii) explain why voluntary and, in particular,spontaneouslarge-scale collective action among individual actors becomes more improbable as the collective action problem becomes larger, thus demanding interventions by an external authority (a third party) for such action to be generated. Based on this, we (iii) outline an analytical framework that illustrates the connection between third-party interventions and large-scale collective action. We conclude by suggesting avenues for future research.

As it has been suggested that involvement of individuals in environmental work is necessary for halting environmental degradation, one focus for contemporary environmental policy and political theory is the need for comprehensive individual lifestyle changes. Ecological Citizenship (EC) has been suggested within the field of political theory as an approach to realize personal responsibility for the environment. However, empirical research on whether EC can serve this purpose is still lacking. Based on a survey sent to 4,000 Swedish households, this paper makes the theory of EC empirically operational and explores whether, and to what extent, people in general hold values and beliefs in line with what is expected of EC, in order to shed light on the feasibility of cultivating ecological citizens in Sweden. The study concludes that a significant proportion of the respondents do demonstrate a value base consistent with EC, i.e., non-territorial altruism and the primacy of social justice. While additional tests and studies are needed, the results support the use of EC as a theoretical model for behavioral change.

This article explores the relationship between two major explanations of the formation of positive attitudes towards environmental policy measures. Ideological orientation and personal values have, in theory, significant overlaps in the sense that they collect general and cross-situational sentiments used to understand and evaluate a wide range of political issues. However, in the empirical literature, although they independently have been shown to have rather significant effects on pro-environmental policy attitudes, they are rarely tested together in order to explore whether they capture the same basic mechanisms. In this article, two data sets from Sweden are used to demonstrate both that ideological orientation and personal values independently affect pro-environmental policy support, as well as that these effects differ across different policy types.