Following the military defeat of LTTE terrorism in May 2009, the relationship between ethnic and religious groups in Sri Lanka became seriously fragmented as a result of intensified anti-minority sentiments and violence. Consequently, the ethnic Muslims (Moors) became the major target in this conflict. The major objective of this study is to critically evaluate the nature and the impact of the anti-Muslim sentiments expressed and violence committed by the extreme nationalist forces during the process of ethnic reconciliation in post-war Sri Lanka. The findings of the study reveal that, with the end of civil war, Muslims have become “another other” and also the target of ethno-religious hatred and violence from the vigilante right-wing ethno-nationalist forces that claim to be protecting the Sinhala-Buddhist nation, race, and culture in Sri Lanka. These acts are perpetrated as part of their tactics aimed to consolidate a strong Sinhala-Buddhist nation—and motivated by the state. Furthermore, the recourse deficit and lack of autonomy within the organizational hierarchy of the Buddhist clergy have motivated the nationalist monks to engage in politics and promote a radical anti-minority rhetoric. This study recommends institutional and procedural reforms to guide and monitor the activities of religious organizations, parties, and movements, together with the teaching of religious tolerance, as the preconditions for ethnic reconciliation and ethnic harmony in post-war Sri Lanka. This study has used only secondary data, which are analyzed in a descriptive and interpretive manner.

Political Engagement on Social Media as Antecedent for Political Support among Voters in Malaysia

This paper aims to examine the overall impact of anti-halal and anti-slaughtering campaigns in the context of post-war Sri Lanka. The reemergence of majoritarian ethno-religious anti-minority nationalist forces and their intensified anti-minority hatred and violence have made it challenging for ethno-religious minorities in Sri Lanka to engage in religious norms and duties. This is especially true for the Muslim community. Numerous Islamic fundamentals have been criticized and opposed. Muslims have had to endure threats and acts of violence. These campaigns and violent oppositions, imposed by the Buddhist-nationalist forces, have caused concern for Muslims performing their obligatory religious duties and norms. In Sri Lanka, the Muslim community has been allowed to produce halal food and slaughter animals for human consumption and religious rituals for a long period without disturbance. Unfortunately, retaliation and hatred in the post-civil war era in the country have threatened these rights. Thus, it has become imperative to investigate the motivating factors of the anti-halal and anti-animal slaughtering campaigns and violence, as well as their related impact, which is lacking in the existing literature on ethno-religious politics in the context of Sri Lanka. This study found that the anti-halal and anti-animal slaughtering campaigns and oppositions that have been intensified by the Buddhist nationalist forces were part of anti-Muslim sentiments intended to sabotage the economic pride of Muslims and undermine their religious renaissance. The study also found that these campaigns have been facilitated by the state and that continuous facilitation of the anti-Muslim sentiments and campaigns, including the anti-halal and anti-animal slaughter campaigns, would challenge the country’s economic prosperity and the rebuilding of ethno-religious harmony.

This study drew on important insights from a quarter-century history of forcefully evicted Muslims in Sri Lanka’s northern province by examining the nature of their displaced life and their permanent resettlement in their traditional villages, particularly in the post-civil war context. Reviewing the literature and primary sources, this paper argues that the forceful eviction of northern Muslims was unfortunate and the persistent sidetracking of their permanent resettlement violated their right to live in their traditional villages. Successive governments have failed to propose a sustainable mechanism to resettle these Muslims as part of the resettlement plans. Post-war resettlement initiatives hardly considered the permanent resettlement of these Muslims in their traditional villages. In addition, the issue of resettling northern Muslims became highly contested due to lack of proper policies and plans of the government authorities, as well as moral and institutional support from the Tamil community and their polity, opposition, and criticisms from the Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalist forces, and fragmentation within Muslim politics, together with the protracted nature of the displacement. This study suggested that the continued neglect of their resettlement would challenge the sustainability of post-war development and ethnic reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

Historically, the politics of Sri Lankan Muslims has been identified as moderate and characterized by alliance-making with other major ethnic groups. Muslims rarely considered to form a strong political movement or party to increase their political influence, until the peak of the civil war in the 1980s. This occurrence helped the Muslim community to be facilitated socially and economically, but it also made them vulnerable in terms of rights and power accommodation in national politics. However, the establishment of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and its distinct form of politics progressively revived the Muslim community and its politics. This study examines the contributions of SLMC and its founder–leader to Muslim politics and community in Sri Lanka. The findings of this study reveal that SLMC under its founder–leader uniquely colored Muslim politics, which in turn strengthened popular support and transformed the Muslim community into “queen-makers” in the national politics. Under its founder–leader Mohammed Hussain Mohammed Ashraff, the SLMC greatly contributed to the transformation of Muslim political culture, and to the uplift of the socio-cultural, economic, and political status of the Muslim community, while voicing Muslims’ grievances and fighting for their status, rights, powers, and privileges. By contrast, the party and its founder–leader faced considerable opposition and criticisms on communal and racial bases. Nonetheless, the qualities and contributions of its founder–leader continue to be remembered and still have a significant influence on Muslims politics in Sri Lanka.

Both in Sri Lanka’s national as well as in Muslim politics in the recent past, the demand for an administrative district in the coastal belt of Amparai district has been one of the contested topics of debate and discourse and has been an influencing subject in electoral politics. This research attempts to explore the major factors that have induced the emergence of the demand in detail. The finding reveals that four major interconnected causes have been severely influencing on the origin and the advocacy of the demand, namely: (1) the domination of an ethnic group (majority) and their language over the administration of Amparai district, (2) the violation of constitutional provisions on language of administration, (3) the marginalization and (4) discrimination of ethno-linguistic minorities and their rights in resource utilization and other aspects of district administration. All these factors have persuaded the people of the area (referred as ‘South Eastern region’) to claim and advocate a separate administrative district for the region. The study suggests that the proper implementation of the constitutional provisions on minority language and the institutional restructuring of the district secretariat can reconcile the issues facing by the people of the region in the affairs of district administration which also would challenge the demand to a certain extent. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s3p434