A new type of social inequality has arisen in the information society – the digital divide. The current understanding of this phenomenon is not so much connected with the problem of Internet access, but rather with the ability of users to employ digital technologies to improve their lives. Digital inequality creates new “social elevators” – the level of IT skills becomes the most important differentiating factor which sets a new framework for socialization system. A way to overcome the digital divide is to develop and implement a digital inclusion policy. Digital inclusion is a type of social inclusion in a digital society, aimed at overcoming inequality, digital isolation of citizens. It focuses on the social implications of differences in the use of IT by groups or individuals. Ultimately, the digital inclusion policy does not focus on the development of digital infrastructure or skills, but on ensuring the emergence of “visible” social results of online interaction among citizens (increment of economic, cultural and other forms of capital) due to the use of web resources. Based on comparative analysis, the manifestations of the digital divide in foreign countries and Russia are shown, the main types of digital inclusion policies and the agencies for their implementation are identified. The priorities of digital inclusion policy and the structure of its management depend on socio-political realities in each particular country. Overcoming regional and generational aspects of the digital divide is a priority for Russia. The European digital inclusion strategy is to provide digital benefits to all citizens, regardless of gender, age, education, income, geography. Mastering digital skills is shown as a fundamental indicator of digital inclusion in the modern sense. The key agencies of digital inclusion policy are nation-state and education system, however, the role of intersectoral interaction, NGOs, local communities, libraries in the development of digital skills among various population groups is significant. The monitoring system for digital inclusion policies is briefly described.

In the article, the authors have integrated the network approach and the Frontier Theory, proving the heuristic potential of such a synthesis in discovering of the network society flexible borders development logic. The conceptual ideas of the Frontier Theory were revealed by the American historian F.J. Turner and his followers, later this approach was borrowed and adopted in other branches of social sciences and humanities. The authors disclose the potential of this theory with regard to the social space, including the network space. In this research, the network frontier is defined as a mobile space border of contact and mutual interpenetration between the network society social/cultural practices and those of previous times. The main stages of its development are justified and described according to several criteria. These are availability and variety of interfaces; specific technological platforms that create conditions for the networks and communities formation; centering of frontier zones around the "gravitational fields" (which are different network leaders and innovative practices in the network structures); the role of a state in implementation of control, regulatory and coordinating functions in the public network space. The researchers have identified and discussed some of the network frontier markers, such as the mobility of network border, specific features of governing system, “abuse of administrative power" and arbitrariness. The frontier demonstrates numerous examples of transgressions, first of all, in the identities formation. The directions of future research are outlined in the article: the network frontier myths and heroes, the evolution of the frontier type of personality in different social spaces, and other. Modern political processes, the growth of the developmental non-linearity and uncertainty actualize the frontier discourse in political studies. Acknowledgements. This article was prepared with fi nancial support provided by the Russian State Humanitarian Foundation (research grant № 15-03-00339 “The Frontier of Network Society as a Space of Political Interaction”).

Статья посвящена изучению потенциала политики идентичности как нематериального ресурса развития местных сообществ и обоснованию критериев его оценки. Перспективы перехода к новой парадигме развития в условиях кардинальных изменений в структуре общественных отношений становятся важной составляющей научного дискурса, в свою очередь, резко актуализируя задачу выявления потенциала такой политики. Эти изменения отражаются и в формировании миропорядка, и в появлении новых социальных и культурных размежеваний внутри современных обществ, в том числе в углублении цифрового неравенства и радикальной поляризации социальных пространств развития и территорий неразвития, в становлении новой повестки дня политики развития на разных уровнях политического управления. В зарубежной политической науке в последние годы растет внимание к нематериальным ресурсам и управленческим приоритетам развития негородских территорий, в частности, в контексте так называемых сельских исследований. Авторы статьи обосновывают потребность в продвижении “сельских” (негородских) исследований в российском поле политической науки. Ключевую задачу они видят в выявлении ресурсов развития сельских сообществ, в частности, возможностей и ограничений политики идентичности. По итогам интерпретации результатов проведенного в 2019 г. эмпирического исследования в Краснодарском крае (восемь фокус-групповых и 40 экспертных интервью в восьми сельских поселениях Кубани) определены маркеры локальной идентичности сельских сообществ и разработана матрица ее критериев. Охарактеризована структура и особенности политики идентичности в сельских сообществах, проанализированы такие ее институциональные механизмы, как символическая политика и политика памяти. Сравнительная оценка уровня вовлеченности различных субъектов в развитие сельских территорий и системности связанных со стратегическими приоритетами развития мероприятий позволила выявить три типа политики идентичности – реактивный, проактивный и активный, определить их потенциал в разработке и реализации политики развития российских сельских территорий с учетом их уникального социокультурного и природно-географического ландшафта, неоднородности социально-экономического и социокультурного пространства российских регионов и различных институциональных моделей местных сообществ.

The authors consider identity as the most important source of legitimization of the Kazakhstani statehood. The repertoire of new identities, the construction process of which continues in the Republic of Kazakhstan, includes national identity (that balances between civil and ethno-cultural elements), Turkic pan-identity, Central Asian geopolitical identity, Eurasian civilizational identity and macro-regional Caspian identity. The authors attempt to substantiate the contradiction between the goals and reference points outlined in state documents on identity policy and real trends and landmarks in the continuing process of identity construction in the modern Kazakhstan. The multivector foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan underpins the shaping of competing identities, with the Turkic identity developing most intensively. The growth of socio-political divisions (ethnic, confessional, settlement, etc.) produces a cumulative effect that makes Kazakhstan a “divided society”. The article examines the priorities of memory and language policies and reveals personalistic identifiers reflected in mass consciousness. The authors also focus on the contradictory nature of the ongoing identity policy as a challenge to societal security, considering that “split” social spaces may produce explosive conflict situations.

One of the main intangible resources, along with regional and local identity, is human capital. Multiplying human capital is one of the main functions of the education system, including higher education. The theoretical framework of the study is defined by the concept of responsible development (I.S. Semenenko), the theories of “triple helix”, “preceding events” (path dependence) of P. David and “track of dependence”. The empirical base is represented by the results of a sociological study, held among students of Krasnodar universities in June 2022. As part of comprehensive analysis, documents of regional authorities and administration, and data from federal and regional statistics were used. The Krasnodar Krai was initially formed and integrated as an agricultural region; thus, the system of higher education focused largely on training specialists for agriculture and related industries. Structural transformations that began in the 1990s changed the region’s vector of development. The rapid progress of the resort and recreational industry, and enterprises of the tertiary sector influenced both intra-regional and inter-regional migration. The universities of the Krasnodar Krai are attractive to educational migrants from other regions of the country - from both the neighbouring Southern Russia regions and the north-eastern regions. At the same time, from the point of view of global competitiveness, the region has systemic problems in the development of human capital, innovation, and space. The authors focus on the educational trajectories of students, the reasons for their choice of Krasnodar as education destination, satisfaction with the quality of educational services, the degree and forms of social activities, as well as further life and professional plans. The authors identified three contradictions in the current state of the region’s higher education system, without the resolution of which it will be impossible to convert human capital into a real factor of regional development. These are the contradictions between the significantly growing population of the region and the reduction in the number of students, between the needs of the labour market of the “knowledge economy” and the structure of specialists’ training, and between the governmental trend for the development of rural areas and the lack of motivation among university graduates to work in rural municipalities. The article formulates several proposals for resolving these contradictions.