Magnetoencephalography (MEG) systems are advanced neuroimaging tools used to measure the magnetic fields produced by neuronal activity in the human brain. However, they require significant amounts of liquid helium to keep the superconducting quantum interference device (SQUID) sensors in a stable superconducting state. Additionally, MEG systems must be installed in a magnetically shielded room to minimize interference from external magnetic fields. We have developed an advanced MEG system that incorporates a superconducting magnetic shield and a zero-boil-off system. This system overcomes the typical limitations of traditional MEG systems, such as the frequent need for liquid helium refills and the spatial constraints imposed by magnetically shielded rooms. To validate the system, we conducted an evaluation using signal source estimation. This involved a phantom with 50 current sources of known location and magnitude under active zero-boil-off conditions. Our evaluations focused on the precision of the magnetic field distribution and the quantification of estimation errors. We achieved a consistent magnetic field distribution that matched the source current, maintaining an estimation error margin within 3.5 mm, regardless of the frequency of the signal source current. These findings affirm the practicality and efficacy of the system.

We investigated the neurocognitive mechanisms underlying the processing of combinatorial unstated meaning. Sentences like “Charles jumped for 5 minutes.” engender an iterative meaning that is not explicitly stated but enriched by comprehenders beyond simple composition. Comprehending unstated meaning involves meaning contextualization—integrative meaning search in sentential-discourse context. Meanwhile, people differ in how they process information with varying context sensitivity. We hypothesized that unstated meaning processing would vary with individual socio-cognitive propensity indexed by the Autism-Spectrum Quotient (AQ), accompanied by differential cortical engagements. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging, we examined the processing of sentences with unstated iterative meaning in typically-developed individuals and found an engagement of the fronto-parietal network, including the left pars triangularis (L.PT), right intraparietal (R.IPS), and parieto-occipital sulcus (R.POS). We suggest that the L.PT subserves a contextual meaning search, while the R.IPS/POS supports enriching unstated iteration in consideration of event durations and interval lengths. Moreover, the activation level of these regions negatively correlated with AQ. Higher AQ ties to lower L.PT activation, likely reflecting weaker context sensitivity, along with lower IPS activation, likely reflecting weaker computation of events’ numerical-temporal specifications. These suggest that the L.PT and R.IPS/POS support the processing of combinatorial unstated meaning, with the activation level modulated by individual cognitive styles.

Comprehenders generate expectations about upcoming lexical items in language processing using various types of contextual information. However, a number of studies have shown that argument roles do not impact neural and behavioral prediction measures. Despite these robust findings, some prior studies have suggested that lexical prediction might be sensitive to argument roles in production tasks such as the cloze task or in comprehension tasks when additional time is available for prediction. This study demonstrates that both the task and additional time for prediction independently influence lexical prediction using argument roles, via evidence from closely matched electroencephalogram (EEG) and speeded cloze experiments. In order to investigate the timing effect, our EEG experiment used maximally simple Japanese stimuli such as Bee‐nom/acc sting, and it manipulated the time for prediction by changing the temporal interval between the context noun and the target verb without adding any further linguistic content. In order to investigate the task effect, we conducted a speeded cloze study that was matched with our EEG study both in terms of stimuli and the time available for prediction. We found that both the EEG study with additional time for prediction and the speeded cloze study with matched timing showed clear sensitivity to argument roles, while the EEG conditions with less time for prediction replicated the standard pattern of argument role insensitivity. Based on these findings, we propose that lexical prediction is initially insensitive to argument roles but a monitoring mechanism serially inhibits role‐inappropriate candidates. This monitoring process operates quickly in production tasks, where it is important to quickly select a single candidate to produce, whereas it may operate more slowly in comprehension tasks, where multiple candidates can be maintained until a continuation is perceived. Computational simulations demonstrate that this mechanism can successfully explain the task and timing effects observed in our experiments.

Recent gesture studies investigating how speakers linearize events in which one entity acts on another have claimed that the preferred order is [subject/agent]-[object/patient]-[verb/action] (SOV/APV) irrespective of language background (Schouwstra et al., 2022; Goldin-Meadow et al., 2008). However, these studies have only tested speakers of languages in which the subject/agent preferentially precedes the object/patient. We provide a stronger test of this cognitive-universal hypothesis using elicited pantomime (plus a spoken-language comparison task) with speakers of Truku Seediq, which favors the typologically rare VOS/VPA word order, and English-speaking controls. While the English speakers' pantomimes largely employed the expected SOV/APV and SVO/AVP orders, the Truku Seediq speakers produced almost no APV sequences. The results strengthen the evidence for processing effects that promote SVO/AVP order under certain conditions, and further support the claim that the habitual use of a language may cumulatively influence speakers' cognitive activities as they are interpreting the world. The divergent preferences for the two typologically different languages suggest that language experience can change conceptual accessibility, especially in terms of action saliency, in speakers' cognition. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

Background/Objectives: The dichotic listening test (DLT) is widely used to assess auditory attention and hemispheric language lateralization, with the right-ear advantage (REA) representing a robust behavioral phenomenon. Although the REA is often attributed to structural asymmetries in auditory pathways and left-hemisphere dominance for speech processing, the neural mechanisms by which selective attention modulates this asymmetry remain unclear. This study examined how directed auditory attention influences the REA and its neural correlates using magnetoencephalography (MEG)-based auditory steady-state responses (ASSRs). Methods: Fifteen right-handed participants performed directed-attention dichotic listening tasks during MEG recording. One participant was excluded from MEG analyses due to excessive noise contamination, resulting in 14 participants included in neural analyses. Participants attended to either the left or right ear throughout each session and reported the perceived stimulus from the attended ear. Dichotic speech stimuli were amplitude-modulated at 35 Hz and 45 Hz for frequency tagging. ASSR amplitudes were extracted from the left and right auditory cortices and analyzed in relation to behavioral accuracy using correlation analyses and analysis of covariance (ANCOVA). Results: Behavioral accuracy was significantly higher during right-ear attention than left-ear attention, indicating a residual REA. ASSR amplitudes tended to be higher during left-ear attention. Importantly, during left-ear attention, ASSR amplitude in the left auditory cortex showed a significant positive correlation with behavioral accuracy, whereas no such association was observed during right-ear attention. Conclusions: These findings indicate that the REA reflects a dynamic interaction between structural auditory asymmetry and top-down attentional control, with successful left-ear listening relying on compensatory recruitment of the left auditory cortex.