Research on the subjective experience of suffering has typically focussed on older clinical samples living in Western, educated, industrialised, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) countries. To further extend the existing body of empirical research on suffering to less WEIRD contexts, we use three waves of data (Wave 1: December 2020; Wave 2: January 2021; Wave 3: February 2021) from a sample of nonclinical Indonesian adults (n = 594) to examine associations between suffering, two indices of psychological distress, and 10 facets of well‐being. In our primary analysis, we estimated a series of multiple regression models that adjusted for a range of sociodemographic characteristics, financial and material stability, religious/spiritual factors, prior values of overall suffering, and prior values of each outcome assessed in Wave 1. Results indicated that overall suffering assessed in Wave 2 was associated with an increase in both indices of psychological distress and a decrease in eight facets of well‐being assessed in Wave 3. Using a similar analytic approach, results from a secondary analysis indicated that higher scores on both indices of psychological distress and lower scores on seven of the well‐being facets assessed in Wave 2 were associated with worse subsequent overall suffering assessed in Wave 3. These findings contribute to empirical literature on the implications of suffering for well‐being.

Research suggests that interpersonal forgiveness is beneficial to individual functioning, but few longitudinal studies have explored the independent contributions of decisional and emotional forgiveness to reducing different forms of distress and improving multidimensional well-being. In this three-wave (T1: December 2020; T2: January 2021; T3: February 2021) prospective study of predominantly young Indonesian adults (n = 595), we examined the associations of decisional and emotional forgiveness with three indicators of distress and 10 components of well-being. Applying the outcome-wide analytic template for longitudinal designs, our primary analysis involved estimating two sets of linear regression models (one set for decisional forgiveness and one set for emotional forgiveness) in which the outcomes were regressed on each interpersonal forgiveness process (one outcome at a time). Adjusting for a range of covariates (including prior values of decisional forgiveness, emotional forgiveness, and all 13 outcomes) assessed at T1, decisional forgiveness assessed at T2 was associated with an increase in seven components of well-being (i.e., life satisfaction, physical health, sense of purpose, promote good, delayed gratification, content with relationships, satisfying relationships) approximately 1 month later at T3. In contrast, emotional forgiveness assessed at T2 was associated with an increase in a single component of well-being (i.e., satisfying relationships) assessed at T3. Neither decisional nor emotional forgiveness assessed at T2 showed evidence of associations with any of the subsequent indicators of distress assessed at T3. Our findings suggest that, at least within a principally collectivistic cultural context such as Indonesia, decisional forgiveness in the aftermath of a transgression may have greater short-term benefits for well-being compared to emotional forgiveness. Implications of the findings for research and interventions are discussed.

We examine whether an orientation to promote good serves as a potential buffer against distress and facilitator of well‐being outcomes in three non‐Western samples with a recent history of conflict (Indonesia, Colombia, Mexico) and across three different time frames (1, 4 and 12 months). Longitudinal surveys provided data for cross‐lagged panel modelling. A series of sensitivity analyses provided evidence for the robustness of results. Persons with an orientation to promote good reported greater well‐being 1 month and 4 months post‐assessment and reduced distress 1 month and 4 months post‐assessment. The effects, with larger effect sizes, were also found for reverse associations. We did not find evidence of associations assessed at the 12‐month interval with the exception of a negative association between an orientation to promote good and subsequent life satisfaction and happiness. Orientation to promote good may be relevant for population's mental health and well‐being over the short‐ and medium‐term.

In the Christian spiritual journey, the desire for communion with God is sometimes challenged by personal sin—instances in which the believer transgresses God’s standards or values for how they ought to live. Thus, the need for divine forgiveness is an important concept in Christianity. To date, relatively little research has explored Christian experiences of forgiveness from God for personal sin, the factors that shape those experiences, and the effects of experiencing forgiveness from God on different aspects of their life. To support the development of research in this area, this paper proposes a relational spirituality model of personal sin for conceptualizing how a network of interrelated cognitive-affective appraisals involving the self, the personal sin, God, and other people can shape a Christian’s experience of, response to, and resolution of personal sin. We introduce the core elements of the model and explore how the interrelations among these elements might influence a Christian’s relational experience with God following recognition of a personal sin. We discuss the unique contributions of the model to the psychological literature on divine forgiveness and highlight implications of the model for advancing research on Christian experiences of forgiveness from God.

To date, few empirical studies have examined the benefits of the processes involved in self-forgiveness-value reorientation and esteem restoration-for individual well-being using longitudinal data from non-Western samples. In this study, we take a step toward addressing this gap by analysing three waves of data collected among 595 Indonesians (Mage = 21.95, SD = 4.39). Applying the analytic templates for lagged exposure-wide and outcome-wide longitudinal designs, we performed a series of linear regressions to estimate associations of value reorientation and esteem restoration in Wave 2 with three indicators of distress and 10 indicators of well-being in Wave 3, adjusting for Wave 1 covariates. Value reorientation and esteem restoration were each associated with improvements in several well-being outcomes (six for value reorientation and three for esteem restoration), but both showed little evidence of associations with the distress outcomes. In a secondary analysis, those who scored higher on both value reorientation and esteem restoration (i.e., self-forgiveness group) in Wave 2 reported higher well-being on five outcomes in Wave 3 compared to those who scored lower on value reorientation, esteem restoration, or both (i.e., no or partial self-forgiveness group). We discuss some implications of the findings for conceptualising self-forgiveness and promoting well-being.