Undocumented Latinx immigrants experience unique factors prior to migration, during migration, and after migration that shape their health. Our review summarizes the limited but growing literature highlighting how exposure to trauma, immigration enforcement, changes to social networks, and discrimination negatively affect the mental and physical health of undocumented Latinx immigrants. We also discuss how policies and social ties can promote their health. We focus on areas of particular concern, including health care, mental health, and HIV. Future research should use interdisciplinary approaches and intersectional frameworks to understand and address health inequities. Conducting research with undocumented Latinx immigrant communities requires community engagement, assurance of confidentiality, and creative recruitment and retention strategies. Recommendations for public health practice include investing in community health centers and organizations to ensure access to health and social services; presenting results with sufficient contextualization to interpret their generalizability; and advocating for federal-, state-, and local-level policy changes that reduce the negative health consequences associated with being undocumented.

Background: Black and Latina transgender women (BLTW) face significant HIV disparities with estimated HIV prevalence up to 50% and annual incidence rates as high as 2.8 per 100 person-years. However, few studies have evaluated the acceptability and uptake of high-impact HIV prevention interventions among BLTW. Setting: Data collection took place in Baltimore, MD and Washington, DC from May 2015 to May 2017. Methods: This mixed methods study included quantitative interviewer-administered surveys, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. Rapid HIV testing followed each survey. Logistic regression models tested associations between legal gender affirmation (ie, desired name and gender marker on identity documents), transgender pride, history of exchange sex, HIV risk perception, and willingness to take pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Transcripts of qualitative data were coded to identify common themes related to engagement in HIV prevention. Results: Among 201 BLTW, 56% tested HIV-positive and 87% had heard of PrEP. Only 18% who had heard of PrEP had ever taken it. Of the 72 self-reported HIV-negative or status-unknown BLTW who had never taken PrEP, 75% were willing to take it. In multivariable analyses, history of exchange sex was associated with willingness to take PrEP, whereas greater HIV knowledge and transgender pride were associated with lower likelihood of willingness to take PrEP. Concern about drug interactions with hormone therapy was the most frequently reported barrier to PrEP uptake. Conclusions: Noting the disconnect between PrEP willingness and uptake among BLTW, HIV prevention programs could bridge this gap by responding to identified access barriers and incorporating community-derived strategies.

Future infectious disease epidemics are likely to disproportionately affect countries with weak health systems, exacerbating global vulnerability. To decrease the severity of epidemics in these settings, lessons can be drawn from the Ebola outbreak in West Africa. There is a dearth of literature on public perceptions of the public health response system that required citizens to report and treat Ebola cases. Epidemiological reports suggested that there were delays in diagnosis and treatment. The purpose of our study was to explore the barriers preventing Sierra Leoneans from trusting and using the Ebola response system during the height of the outbreak. Using an experienced ethnographer, we conducted 30 semi-structured in-depth interviews in public spaces in Ebola-affected areas. Participants were at least age 18, spoke Krio, and reported no contact in the recent 21 days with an Ebola-infected person. We used inductive coding and noted emergent themes. Most participants feared that calling the national hotline for someone they believed had Ebola would result in that person’s death. Many stated that if they developed a fever they would assume it was not Ebola and self-medicate. Some thought the chlorine sprayed by ambulance workers was toxic. Although most knew there was a laboratory test for Ebola, some erroneously assumed the ubiquitous thermometers were the test and most did not understand the need to re-test in the presence of Ebola symptoms. Fears and misperceptions, related to lack of trust in the response system, may have delayed care-seeking during the Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone. Protocols for future outbreak responses should incorporate dynamic, qualitative research to understand and address people’s perceptions. Strategies that enhance trust in the response system, such as community mobilization, may be particularly effective. To decrease the severity of epidemics in countries with under-developed health system capacity to control outbreaks, lessons can be drawn from the Ebola outbreak in West Africa. This is the first study, to our knowledge, to use qualitative research methods to understand community members’ perceptions of using the Ebola response system during the outbreak in Sierra Leone. We conducted this study in two of the most populous districts during a time when there were still a high number of Ebola-related fatalities, and the Ebola response system had been scaled up. While national household surveys demonstrated high levels of intent to use the response system at the time, epidemiological reports suggested that there were delays in seeking testing and treatment. Our use of semi-structured in-depth interviews, as well as an ethnographer with experience in Sierra Leone, enhanced our ability to elicit people’s fears and misperceptions. Concerns about the response system clustered around three key themes: fears of calling the national hotline, negative perceptions of the chlorine spray, and misperceptions about the Ebola laboratory test and the need to re-test. These fears and misperceptions likely delayed people from seeking care. Our results lend support to the argument that trust in the public health response system was integral to citizens’ use of the system. We make several recommendations for how trust could have been enhanced during the Ebola outbreak. Protocols for future outbreaks should incorporate dynamic and qualitative research both to understand perceptions of the response system and to use these data to inform a more effective response.

We describe and compare the baseline rates of victimization and perpetration of three forms of intimate partner violence (IPV)—psychological, physical, and sexual—among sexually active men (n = 1,113) and women (n = 226) enrolled in an ongoing cluster-randomized HIV and gender-based violence prevention trial in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. IPV was measured using a modified version of the World Health Organization Violence Against Women instrument. We assess the degree to which men and women report overlapping forms of IPV victimization and perpetration. Sociodemographic and other factors associated with increased risk of victimization and perpetration of IPV are examined. Within the last 12 months, 34.8% of men and 35.8% of women reported any form of IPV victimization. Men were more likely than women to report perpetrating IPV (27.6% vs. 14.6%, respectively). We also found high rates of co-occurrence of IPV victimization and perpetration with 69.7% of male perpetrators and 81.8% of female perpetrators also reporting victimization during the last year. Among men, having ever consumed alcohol and experiencing childhood violence were associated with increased risk of most forms of IPV. Younger women were more likely to report perpetrating IPV than older women. We found evidence of gender symmetry with regard to most forms of IPV victimization, but men reported higher rates of IPV perpetration than women. Given the substantial overlap between victimization and perpetration reported, our findings suggest that IPV may be bidirectional within relationships in this setting and warrant further investigation. Implications for interventions are discussed.

Respondent-driven sampling (RDS) is a method for recruiting “hidden” populations through a network-based, chain and peer referral process. RDS recruits hidden populations more effectively than other sampling methods and promises to generate unbiased estimates of their characteristics. RDS’s faithful representation of hidden populations relies on the validity of core assumptions regarding the unobserved referral process. With empirical recruitment data from an RDS study of female sex workers (FSWs) in Shanghai, we assess the RDS assumption that participants recruit nonpreferentially from among their network alters. We also present a bootstrap method for constructing the confidence intervals around RDS estimates. This approach uniquely incorporates real-world features of the population under study (e.g., the sample’s observed branching structure). We then extend this approach to approximate the distribution of RDS estimates under various peer recruitment scenarios consistent with the data as a means to quantify the impact of recruitment bias and of rejection bias on the RDS estimates. We find that the hierarchical social organization of FSWs leads to recruitment biases by constraining RDS recruitment across social classes and introducing bias in the RDS estimates.