Immigrants face substantial barriers to civic and political participation, but many nonetheless remain highly engaged. This study examines this tension by developing and applying a framework for analyzing how state policies both integrate immigrants and enforce immigration to shape participation. I find that states (1) differ in their adoption and implementation of federal immigration policy and (2) pass inclusive and exclusive legislation in cross-cutting ways, which together (3) shape group differences in immigrant engagement along race-ethnicity and citizenship. Immigrant participation is examined using multilevel data that combine individual-level characteristics with state policy and implementation measures. Models show that inclusionary public benefits policy bolsters participation and exclusionary law enforcement policy reduces participation. However, these policy effects are shown to attenuate each other in asymmetric ways. The bolstering effect of inclusionary policy is sensitive to and rendered statistically nonsignificant by exclusionary policy, but the reverse is not true. I conclude with a discussion on the implications of these results for research on civic inequality along race-ethnicity and citizenship.

How do U.S. voters view the disruptiveness and effectiveness of social movement tactics? Strategically-used assertive tactics can enable movement success, though tactics considered too disruptive or violent may reduce public support. The authors investigate how U.S. voters perceive the disruptiveness and effectiveness of various protest tactics. In a representative survey experiment, 497 U.S. voters ranked the disruptiveness and effectiveness of 65 tactics. The authors find that tactics’ perceived disruptiveness and effectiveness exhibit an inverse relationship and a continuous character. The findings suggest that multiple, contextual factors influence public perceptions of protests.

How did colonial projects shape sociology as an emergent disciplinary field in mid-twentieth century France? The Colonial Origins of Modern Social Thought analyzes the texts, practices, and institutions of professional social scientists who carried out colonial sociological research across France’s colonial empire. Steinmetz offers a meticulous analysis on the positions and strategies of social scientists during a period when conquest, subjugation, and racism set the backdrop for the invention of a new historical and critical French sociology. The processes emerging from these sociohistorical contexts led to “intellectual mixing, interaction, and interdisciplinarity across the colonial color line,” which if left unseen, would eclipse much of the colonial influences on cultural and intellectual innovation shaping contemporary scholarship and frameworks (p. 220). During this era, French and colonized sociologists would “construct theories with multiple axes of domination—‘intersectional’ theories before the term had been coined” (p. 348). An impressive number of texts and archival source materials are analyzed across five parts. Steinmetz (I) proposes a historical sociology of colonial sociology; (II) examines the political context; (III) analyzes the intellectual context; (IV) develops a theory of colonial sociological practice; and (V) concludes with the book’s implications for a history of sociology, reflexivity, and decolonization.

How do people evaluate social movement protest tactics? Theories covering public perceptions of protest emphasize that activists face a tactical dilemma, employing disruptive tactics to advance goals without alienating public support. Existing quantitative evidence on the perceived relationship between tactical disruptiveness and effectiveness, as well as how tactics are influenced by objective properties or subjective perceptions across social groups, remains limited. We address this gap through survey experiment data measuring U.S. voters’ paired-choice preferences across 66 tactics. Using Bradley-Terry models, we show that perceptions of disruptiveness and effectiveness are nonlinearly related, and their misalignment varies across different tactical dimensions. Additionally, results show that perceivers' sociodemographic characteristics moderate the effects of tactical dimensions on protest perceptions. We find that social characteristics pattern views of effectiveness but not disruptiveness. Our research highlights the need to understand how perceptions of effective and disruptive protest are analytically distinct, shaped by tactical dimensions and the diverse publics perceiving them, and holds implications for how tactics may be perceived as legitimate.

In 2023, there were approximately 32 million refugees globally. Nine out of the ten countries with the highest origins of refugees were in the Global South; conversely, only three of the ten countries hosting the highest numbers of refugees were in the Global North. In this study, we introduce the conceptual framework of a global division of responsibility sharing to describe how functions of Global North countries as permanent “resettlement” countries and Global South countries as perpetual countries of “asylum” and “transit” constitute unequal burdens with unequal protections for refugees. We illustrate—theoretically and empirically—how the structural positions of state actors in a global network introduce and reify a global division in refugee flows. Empirically, we test and develop this framework with network analysis of refugee flows to countries of asylum from 1990 to 2015 in addition to employing data on monetary donations to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from 2017 to 2021. We (1) provide evidence of the structure and role of intermediary countries in refugee flows and (2) examine how UNHCR monetary aid conditions intermediary countries’ role of routing and transit. We illustrate how network constraints and monetary donations affect and constitute a global division in the management of historic and contemporary international refugee flows and explore the consequences of this global division for refugees’ access to resources and social and human rights.