To assess an association of Socio-economic status with utilization of health care services between years 2002 and 2008 in Israel. We retrospectively analyzed the utilization of health care services in a cohort of 100,000 members, 21 years and older, of a Clalit Health Services. The research compared utilization according to the neighborhood SES status; and clinic’s location as another SES proxy. Data included: Charlson Score morbidity factor, utilization of health care services (visits to primary physicians and specialists, purchase of pharmaceuticals, number of hospitalization days, visits to ED, utilization of laboratory tests and imaging). The analysis was performed using Generalized Linear Model (GLM) technique. People with lower SES visited more the ED and primary physicians and were hospitalized for longer periods. People with higher SES visited more specialists, bought more prescription drugs and used more medical imaging. The associations between SES and most of the services we analyzed did not change between 2002 and 2008. However, the gap between lower and higher SES levels in ED visits and the use of prescription drugs slightly increased over time, while the gap in visits to specialists decreased. The research shows that even in a universal health care system SES is associated with utilization of health care services. In order to improve equity in utilization of services the Israeli public health should reduce economic barriers and in parallel invest in making information accessible to improve “navigation skills” for all.

The article addresses the fact that Latin-American populism is mostly inclusive and European populism mostly exclusionary, and argues that colonialism is an important key to understanding the development of either form of populism. Following a characterization of populism and of the links between colonialism and the conceptualization of the people, the article analyses Peronism and Le Pen’s Front National as case studies to support its claim. Among the most representative—and most studied—examples of the Latin-American populism, Peronism has remained a significant force for almost 70 years. Le Pen’s movement is one of the first and most important European radical right populist movements. Finally, the article shows how those important cases are part of a much broader picture, in which the role within the colonial relationship shapes the development of either exclusionary or inclusive populism.

The paper explores the relation between religion and populism in Israel. Jewish identity has been an important marker of citizenship and belonging in Israel since its inception. The founders of the Zionist movement and the dominant elites of early statehood remained dependent upon Jewish religion to demarcate national boundaries and legitimate territorial claims. With the establishment of the state, Jewish identity helped create and legitimate a segmented citizenship regime that secured privilege for Jews. Gradually, and especially in the past two decades, Jewishness became more contested, demarcating not only Jews from non-Jews but also “authentic” Jews from allegedly “cosmopolitan elites,” thus becoming part of populist politics, central to Israeli politics. The complex relation between religion and populism in Israel is demonstrated by the development of two populist parties; an “inclusive” one (Shas) and an “exclusionary” one (Likud). The study of the two parties shows the role of religious identities, tropes, and symbols in boundary-making and political strategies. In Israel, religion functions both as the positive content of the political community (the ethnos––the Jewish people—is conflated with the demos) and the demands for inclusion; and as the marker of a threat (non-Jewish citizens, asylum seekers, and allegedly disloyal secular elites).