The purpose of this study is to examine issues in measuring perceptions of police use‐of‐force incidents. The Force Factor developed by Alpert and Dunham in 1997 is assessed as an objective, use‐of‐force measure by comparing it to several previously used measures of the perceived legitimacy of force used by officers in arrest situations. Findings indicate that few predictor variables are consistently related to the various measures of perceptions of the legitimacy of a single use‐of‐force incident. While the Force Factor uniquely considers level of suspect resistance, it does not appear to overcome perceptual biases inherent to measures of police use‐of‐force incidents.

A call has recently been made by the public health and medical communities to understand the neighborhood context of a patient’s life in order to improve education and treatment. To do this, methods are required that can collect “contextual” characteristics while complementing the spatial analysis of more traditional data. This also needs to happen within a standardized, transferable, easy-to-implement framework. The Spatial Video Geonarrative (SVG) is an environmentally-cued narrative where place is used to stimulate discussion about fine-scale geographic characteristics of an area and the context of their occurrence. It is a simple yet powerful approach to enable collection and spatial analysis of expert and resident health-related perceptions and experiences of places. Participants comment about where they live or work while guiding a driver through the area. Four GPS-enabled cameras are attached to the vehicle to capture the places that are observed and discussed by the participant. Audio recording of this narrative is linked to the video via time stamp. A program (G-Code) is then used to geotag each word as a point in a geographic information system (GIS). Querying and density analysis can then be performed on the narrative text to identify spatial patterns within one narrative or across multiple narratives. This approach is illustrated using case studies on post-disaster psychopathology, crime, mosquito control, and TB in homeless populations. SVG can be used to map individual, group, or contested group context for an environment. The method can also gather data for cohorts where traditional spatial data are absent. In addition, SVG provides a means to spatially capture, map and archive institutional knowledge. SVG GIS output can be used to advance theory by being used as input into qualitative and/or spatial analyses. SVG can also be used to gain near-real time insight therefore supporting applied interventions. Advances over existing geonarrative approaches include the simultaneous collection of video data to visually support any commentary, and the ease-of-application making it a transferable method across different environments and skillsets.

The study sought to explore the characteristics, risk factors for inpatient recommendation, and risk factors for revisits to a pediatric psychiatric intake response center (PIRC). There are three research questions: 1. What is the general profile of pediatric patients who present at the PIRC? 2. What are the risk factors for patients who repeatedly visit the PIRC? 3. What are the risk factors for PIRC patients who are recommended to inpatient care? The study utilized a retrospective medical chart review of a random sample (n = 260). A PIRC profile was created using frequency and prevalence calculations, in addition to a survival analysis of patients who return to the PIRC in order to determine how long it takes for PIRC patients to return to the PIRC. Factors that contribute to increased odds of returning to PIRC and being recommended for inpatient treatment were calculated using two logistic regression analyses. The average pediatric PIRC patient is about 13 years old, Caucasian, with Medicaid and comes from a divorced or single parent household. About 43% of patients presented at PIRC for suicidal thoughts, ideation, intentions or actions. At least 63% of patients have a history of victimization. The average time to return to PIRC is about 90 days. Patients with a history of victimization, suicidal behavior, learning problems, problems with peers, and a history of violence were at an increased odds of returning to the PIRC. Those patients who were previously admitted to inpatient care and had a family history of mental health issues were at increased odds of being recommended to inpatient treatment. This sample presents with a multitude of issues that contribute to increased odds of revisits to PIRC and inpatient recommendation. These issues seem to come from multiple levels of influence. Future research should expand to similar treatment facilities and use a prospective design to confirm risk factors. Treatment for pediatric psychiatric patients may focus on multiple factors that influence patients’ mental health.

New geographic approaches are required to tease apart the underlying sociospatial complexity of neighborhood decline to target appropriate interventions. Typically maps of crime hotspots are used with relatively little attention being paid to geographic context. This article helps further this discourse using a topical study of a neighborhood drug microspace, a phrase we use to include the various stages of production, selling, acquiring, and taking, to show how context matters. We overlay an exploratory data analysis of three cohort spatial video geonarratives (SVGs) to contextualize the traditional crime rate hotspot maps. Using two local area analyses of police, community, and ex-offender SVGs and then comparing these with police call for service data, we identify spaces of commonality and difference across data types. In the Discussion, we change the scale to consider revealed microspaces and the interaction of both “good” and “bad” places. We enrich the previous analysis with a mapped spatial video assessment of the built environment and then return to the narrative to extract additional detail around a crime-associated corner store next to a community center. Our findings suggest that researchers should reevaluate how to enrich typical hotspot approaches with more on-the-ground context.

The street homeless, those who spend their nights either in shelters or unofficial camps, whether in tents on a street or in society’s hidden spaces such as beneath an overpass, face multiple challenges beyond finding a safe place to sleep. Of further concern is how official actions can worsen these situations, through day-to-day activities or planned intervention strategies. In this paper we explore how a planned intervention may be negatively perceived—even as a form of “structural violence”—and may prevent Narcan (naloxone) use to stop an overdose related death in the Skid Row of Los Angeles. Data for this study consisted of a combination of Spatial Video Geonarratives (SVGs) and 325 incident reports from the Homeless Health Care Los Angeles Center for Harm Reduction (HHCLA-HRC) between November 2014 and December 2015. Chi-square and simple logistic regression models were used to examine the association between fear-of-arrest and other covariates of interest. Mapping results are presented with different sets of shapefiles created for (1) all Narcan uses, (2) all homeless, (3) all homeless with a worry about being arrested, (4) all Narcan uses where an ambulance attended, (5) and the same as 4 but also with police attendance. In the multivariable model, the estimated adjusted odds of fear-of-arrest is over three times higher among Narcan users ages 30–39 when compared to users under the age of 30. Analyzing the association of calling 9-1-1 on Narcan user demographics, socio-contextual characteristics, and overdose victim demographics, the crude estimated probability of calling 9-1-1 for Narcan users aged 50 and older is nearly three times higher when compared to Narcan users aged 19–29. Conclusion: Results suggest that the fear-of-arrest and calling 9-1-1 during an overdose is still a concern among Narcan users despite protective legislation and access to harm reduction resources.