Data from different surveys indicate a high prevalence of domestic violence against women in all societies.¹ In western countries it is estimated that about 25% of women experience intimate partner violence over their lifetimes.^{2, 3} However, prevalence data show only one side of the problem: the seriousness of the problem in terms of how widespread it is in our societies. Another side of the problem, one that has received less attention, is that most of the cases of domestic violence are unreported. That is, reported cases of domestic violence against women represent only a very small part of the problem when compared with prevalence data. This part of the problem is also known as the “iceberg” of domestic violence. An image where reported cases of domestic violence against women (usually the most severe end of violence) and homicide of women by their intimate partners represents only the tip of the iceberg. According to this metaphor, most of the cases are submerged, allegedly invisible to society.

Recent emergent research is seriously questioning whether parental strictness contributes to children’s psychosocial adjustment in all cultural contexts. We examined cross-generational differences in parental practices characterized by warmth and practices characterized by strictness, as well as the relationship between parenting styles (authoritative, indulgent, authoritarian, and neglectful) and psychosocial adjustment in adulthood. Parenting practices characterized by warmth (affection, reasoning, indifference, and detachment) and strictness (revoking privileges, verbal scolding, and physical punishment) were examined. Psychosocial adjustment was captured with multidimensional self-concept and well-being (life satisfaction and happiness). Participants were 871 individuals who were members of three generations of Spanish families: College students (G3), their parents (G2), and their grandparents (G1). Results showed two different cross-generational patterns in parenting practices, with an increased tendency toward parental warmth (parents use more affection and reasoning but less indifference across generations) and a decreased tendency toward parental strictness (parents use revoking privileges, verbal scolding, and physical punishment less across generations). Interestingly, despite cross-generational differences in parenting practices, a common pattern between parenting styles and psychosocial adjustment was found: indulgent parenting was related to equal or even better self-concept and well-being than authoritative parenting, whereas parenting characterized by non-warmth (authoritarian and neglectful) was related to poor scores.

Study objective: The acceptability of domestic violence against women (DVAW) plays an important part in shaping the social environment in which the victims are embedded, which in turn may contribute either to perpetuate or to reduce the levels of DVAW in our societies. This study analyses correlates of the acceptability of DVAW in the European Union (EU). Design: Three level ordinal logistic regression of 13 457 people nested within 212 localities (cities), nested within 15 countries of the EU. Sampling is multistage with random probability. All interviews were face to face in people’s homes. The outcome variable was acceptability of DVAW. Multiple correlates at the individual, locality, and country level were analysed. Setting: European Union, 1999. Participants: National data were used of residents 15 years old and above of all member states in 1999 (n = 13 457). Average response rate was 47%, although it varied across countries (23%–73%). Main results: Higher levels of acceptability were reported by those who perceived DVAW as less severe and less frequent. Acceptability is higher among men who know a perpetrator and lower among men who know a victim. Victim blaming attitude is associated with higher levels of acceptability. In countries with higher gender empowerment measure the difference in acceptability among those who blame and those who do not blame the victim is greater. Conclusions: There are still widespread attitudes in the EU such as victim blaming that condone DVAW, contributing to a climate of social acceptability of DVAW. Further efforts to reduce the acceptability of DVAW are still needed.

Treatment compliance and motivation to change are among the main challenges to improving batterer intervention program (BIP) effectiveness. This study examined whether adding an individualized motivational plan (IMP) to a standard BIP (SBIP) increased intervention effectiveness relative to BIP alone. One hundred sixty males convicted of intimate partner violence were randomly assigned to receive 70 hr of either SBIP or SBIP plus IMP. The IMP is based on motivational interviewing, stages of change, and strength-based theory principles. We collected the data at baseline, at the end of the 9-month program and at 6-month follow-up. Final outcome was recidivism (recidivism data obtained from official databases, self-reported recidivism, and therapists' assessment of recidivism risk), and proximal outcomes included treatment compliance (dropout and intervention dose), and stage of change. We analyzed the results using both intent-to-treat (ITT) and per-protocol (PP) approaches. Findings indicated that the SBIP plus IMP participants received significantly more intervention dose (R² = .08), finished the intervention in a more advanced stage of change (ITT, R² = .17; PP, R² = .22), reported less physical violence after treatment (ITT, odds ratio = .63; PP, odds ratio = .34), and had a higher reduction in recidivism risk (ITT, R² = .64; PP, R² = .56) than SBIP participants. These results highlight the relevance of alternative approaches, including strategies to increase treatment compliance and motivation for change, in BIPs. (PsycINFO Database Record