In recent years, cross-border migration has gained significant attention in high-level policy dialogues in numerous countries. While there exists some literature describing the health status of migrants, and exploring migrants’ perceptions of service utilisation in receiving countries, there is still little evidence that examines the issue of health services for migrants through the lens of providers. This study therefore aims to systematically review the latest literature, which investigated perceptions and attitudes of healthcare providers in managing care for migrants, as well as examining the challenges and barriers faced in their practices. A systematic review was performed by gathering evidence from three main online databases: Medline, Embase and Scopus, plus a purposive search from the World Health Organization’s website and grey literature sources. The articles, published in English since 2000, were reviewed according to the following topics: (1) how healthcare providers interacted with individual migrant patients, (2) how workplace factors shaped services for migrants, and (3) how the external environment, specifically laws and professional norms influenced their practices. Key message of the articles were analysed by thematic analysis. Thirty seven articles were recruited for the final review. Key findings of the selected articles were synthesised and presented in the data extraction form. Quality of retrieved articles varied substantially. Almost all the selected articles had congruent findings regarding language andcultural challenges, and a lack of knowledge of a host country's health system amongst migrant patients. Most respondents expressed concerns over in-house constraints resulting from heavy workloads and the inadequacy of human resources. Professional norms strongly influenced the behaviours and attitudes of healthcare providers despite conflicting with laws that limited right to health services access for illegal migrants. The perceptions, attitudes and practices of practitioners in the provision of healthcare services for migrants were mainly influenced by: (1) diverse cultural beliefs and language differences, (2) limited institutional capacity, in terms of time and/or resource constraints, (3) the contradiction between professional ethics and laws that limited migrants’ right to health care. Nevertheless, healthcare providers addressedsuch problems by partially ignoring the immigrants’precarious legal status, and using numerous tactics, including seeking help from civil society groups, to support their clinical practice. It was evident that healthcare providers faced several challenges in managing care for migrants, which included not only language and cultural barriers, but also resource constraints within their workplaces, and disharmony between the law and their professional norms. Further studies, which explore health care management for migrants in countries with different health insurance models, are recommended.

Background: Thailand, an upper-middle income country, has demonstrated exemplary outcomes of Universal Health Coverage (UHC). The country achieved full population coverage and a high level of financial risk protection since 2002, through implementing three public health insurance schemes. UHC has two explicit goals of improved access to health services and financial protection where use of these services does not create financial hardship. Prior studies in Thailand do not provide evidence of long-term UHC financial risk protection. This study assessed financial risk protection as measured by the incidence of catastrophic health spending and impoverishment in Thai households prior to and after UHC in 2002. Methods: We used data from a 15-year series of annual national household socioeconomic surveys (SES) between 1996 and 2015, which were conducted by the National Statistic Office (NSO). The survey covered about 52,000 nationally representative households in each round. Descriptive statistics were used to assess the incidence of catastrophic payment as measured by the share of out-of-pocket payment (OOP) for health by households exceeding 10 and 25% of household total consumption expenditure, and the incidence of impoverishment as determined by the additional number of non-poor households falling below the national and international poverty lines after making health payments. Results: Using the 10% threshold, the incidence of catastrophic spending dropped from 6.0% in 1996 to 2% in 2015. This incidence reduced more significantly when the 25% threshold was applied from 1.8 to 0.4% during the same period. The incidence of impoverishment against the national poverty line reduced considerably from 2.2% in 1996 to approximately 0.3% in 2015. When the international poverty line of US$ 3.1 per capita per day was applied, the incidence of impoverishment was 1.4 and 0.4% in 1996 and 2015 respectively; and when US$ 1.9 per day was applied, the incidence was negligibly low. Conclusion: The significant decline in the incidence of catastrophic health spending and impoverishment was attributed to the deliberate design of Thailand’s UHC, which provides a comprehensive benefits package and zero co-payment at point of services. The well-founded healthcare delivery system and favourable benefits package concertedly support the achievement of UHC goals of access and financial risk protection.

Cultural competency describes interventions that aim to improve accessibility and effectiveness of health services for people from ethnic minority backgrounds. Interventions include interpreter services, migrant peer educators and health worker training to provide culturally competent care. Very few studies have focussed on cultural competency for migrant service use in Low- and Middle-Income Countries (LMIC). Migrants and refugees in Thailand and Malaysia report difficulties in accessing health systems and discrimination by service providers. In this paper we describe stakeholder perceptions of migrants’ and health workers’ language and cultural competency, and how this affects migrant workers’ health, especially in Malaysia where an interpreter system has not yet been formalised. We conducted in-depth interviews with stakeholders in Malaysia (N = 44) and Thailand (N = 50), alongside policy document review in both countries. Data were analysed thematically. Results informed development of Systems Thinking diagrams hypothesizing potential intervention points to improve cultural competency, namely via addressing language barriers. Language ability was a core tenet of cultural competency as described by participants in both countries. Malay was perceived to be an easy language that migrants could learn quickly, with perceived proficiency differing by source country and length of stay in Malaysia. Language barriers were a source of frustration for both migrants and health workers, which compounded communication of complex conditions including mental health as well as obtaining informed consent from migrant patients. Health workers in Malaysia used strategies including google translate and hand gestures to communicate, while migrant patients were encouraged to bring friends to act as informal interpreters during consultations. Current health services are not migrant friendly, which deters use. Concerns around overuse of services by non-citizens among the domestic population may partly explain the lack of policy support for cultural competency in Malaysia. Service provision for migrants in Thailand was more culturally sensitive as formal interpreters, known as Migrant Health Workers (MHW), could be hired in public facilities, as well as Migrant Health Volunteers (MHV) who provide basic health education in communities. Perceptions of overuse by migrants in a health system acts as a barrier against system or institutional level improvements for cultural competency, in an already stretched health system. At the micro-level, language interventions with migrant workers appear to be the most feasible leverage point but raises the question of who should bear responsibility for cost and provision—employers, the government, or migrants themselves.

Background: Of the 65 million residents in Thailand, >1.5 million are undocumented/illegal migrants from neighboring countries. Despite several policies being launched to improve access to care for these migrants, policy implementation has always faced numerous challenges. This study aimed to investigate the policy makers’ views on the challenges of implementing policies to protect the health of undocumented/illegal migrants in light of the dynamics of all of the migrant policies in Thailand. Methods: This study used a qualitative approach. Data were collected by document review, from related laws/regulations concerning migration policy over the past 40 years, and from in-depth interviews with seven key policy-level officials. Thematic analysis was applied.
Results: Three critical themes emerged, namely, national security, economic necessity, and health protection. The national security discourse played a dominant role from the early 1900s up to the 1980s as Thailand attempted to defend itself from the threats of colonialism and communism. The economic boom of the 1990s created a pronounced labor shortage, which required a large migrant labor force to drive the growing economy. The first significant attempt to protect the health of migrants materialized in the early 2000s, after Thailand achieved universal health coverage. During that period, public insurance for undocumented/illegal migrants was introduced. The insurance used premium-based financing. However, the majority of migrants remained uninsured. Recently, the government attempted to overhaul the entire migrant registry system by introducing a new measure, namely the One Stop Service. In principle, the One Stop Service aimed to integrate the functions of all responsible authorities, but several challenges still remained; these included ambiguous policy messages and the slow progress of the nationality verification process. Conclusion: The root causes of the challenges in migrant health policy are incoherent policy direction and objectives across government authorities and unclear policy messages. In addition, the health sector, especially the Ministry of Public Health, has been de facto powerless and, due to its outdated bureaucracy, has lacked the capacity to keep pace with the problems regarding human mobility.

Background: In the light of the universal healthcare coverage that was achieved in Thailand in 2002, policy makers have raised concerns about whether there is still unmet need within the population. Our objectives were to assess the annual prevalence, characteristics and reasons for unmet healthcare need in the Thai population in 2010 and to compare our findings with relevant international literature. Methods: A standard set of OECD unmet need questionnaires was used in a nationally-representative household survey conducted in 2010 by the National Statistical Office. The prevalence of unmet need among respondents with various socio-economic characteristics was estimated to determine an inequity in the unmet need and the reasons behind it. Results: The annual prevalence of unmet need for outpatient and inpatient services in 2010 was 1.4% and 0.4%, respectively. Despite this low prevalence, there are inequities with relatively higher proportion of the unmet need among Universal Coverage Scheme members, and the poor and rural populations. There was less unmet need due to cost than there was due to geographical barriers. The prevalence of unmet need due to cost and geographical barriers among the richest and poorest quintiles were comparable to those of selected OECD countries. The geographical extension of healthcare infrastructure and of the distribution of health workers is a major contributing factor to the low prevalence of unmet need. Conclusions: The low prevalence of unmet need for both outpatient and inpatient services is a result of the availability of well-functioning health services at the most peripheral level, and of the comprehensive benefit package offered free of charge by all health insurance schemes. This assessment prompts a need for regular monitoring of unmet need in nationally-representative household surveys.

Childhood stunting, defined as the height-for-age standardized score lower than minus two, is one of the key indicators for assessing well-being and health of a child; and can be used for monitoring child health inequalities. Thailand has been successful in improving health and providing financial protection for its population. A better understanding of the determinants of stunting will help fill both knowledge and policy gaps which promote children’s health and well-being. This study assesses the factors contributing to stunting among Thai children aged less than five years. This study obtained data from the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Round 4 (MICS4), conducted in Thailand in 2012. Data analysis consisted of three steps. First, descriptive statistics provided an overview of data. Second, a Chi-square test determined the association between each covariate and stunting. Finally, multivariable logistic regression assessed the likelihood of stunting from all independent variables. Interaction effects between breastfeeding and household economy were added in the multivariable logistic regression. In the analysis without interaction effects, while the perceived size of children at birth as ‘small’ were positively associated with stunting, children in the well-off households were less likely to experience stunting. The analysis of the interactions between ‘duration of breastfeeding’ and ‘household’s economic level’ found that the odds of stunting in children who were breastfed longer than 12 months in the poorest household quintile were 1.8 fold (95% Confidence interval: 1.3–2.6) higher than the odds found in mothers from the same poorest quintiles, but without prolonged breastfeeding. However prolonged breastfeeding in most well-off households (those between the second quintile and the fifth wealth quintile) did not show a tendency towards stunting. Childhood stunting was significantly associated with several factors. Prolonged breastfeeding beyond 12 months when interacting with poor economic status of a household potentiated stunting. Children living in the least well-off households were more prone to stunting than others. We recommend that the MICS survey questionnaire be amended to capture details on quantity, quality and practices of supplementary feeding. Multi-sectoral nutrition policies targeting poor households are required to address stunting challenges.