Unsafe abortion is one of the commonest causes of maternal mortality. Abortion-related maternal deaths are higher in countries with the most restrictive abortion laws. We assess whether maternal mortality varies within and between countries over time according to the flexibility of abortion laws (the number of reasons a woman can have an abortion). We conducted an ecological study to assess the association between abortion laws and maternal mortality in 162 countries between 1985 and 2013. Aggregate-level data on abortion laws and maternal mortality were extracted from United Nations (UN), and World Health Organization’s (WHO) database respectively. A flexibility score of abortion laws (Score 0–7) was calculated by summing the number of reasons for which abortion was legally allowed in each country. The outcome was maternal mortality ratio (MMR), which represented maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. MMR was modelled as a continuous variable and flexibility score as an ordinal ranked variable (categories 0–7 with 0 as the reference, and < 3 vs > = 3). We used fixed effects linear regression models to estimate the association between flexibility score and MMR, adjusting for gross domestic product per capita (GDP per capita), and time in five-year intervals. Compared to when a country’s flexibility score was < 3, maternal deaths were reduced by 45 per 100,000 live births (95% CI: -64, − 26) when the flexibility score increased ≥3, after adjusting for the GDP per capita and five-year time intervals. With the exception of a flexibility score 6, MMR was lower when higher than zero. This may indicate the role of other country- specific effects. This study provides evidence that abortion law reform in countries with restricted abortion laws may reduce maternal mortality.

The social gradient for cardiovascular disease (CVD) onset and outcomes is well established. The American Heart Association’s Social Determinants of Risk and Outcomes of Cardiovascular Disease Scientific Statement advocates looking beyond breakthroughs in biological science toward a social determinants approach that focuses on socioeconomic position, race and ethnicity, social support, culture and access to medical care, and residential environments to curb the burden of CVD going forward. Indeed, the benefits of this approach are likely to be far reaching, enhancing the positive effects of advances in CVD related to prevention and treatment while reducing health inequities that contribute to CVD onset and outcomes. It is disappointing that the role of gender has been largely neglected despite being a critical determinant of cardiovascular health. It is clear that trajectories and outcomes of CVD differ by biological sex, yet the tendency for sex and gender to be conflated has contributed to the idea that both are constant or fixed with little room for intervention. Rather, as distinct from biological sex, gender is socially produced. Overlaid on biological sex, gender is a broad term that shapes and interacts with one’s cognition to guide norms, roles, behaviors, and social relations. It is a fluid construct that varies across time, place, and life stage. Gender can interact with biological sex and, indeed, other social determinants, such as ethnicity and socioeconomic position, to shape cardiovascular health from conception, through early life when health behaviors and risk factors are shaped, into adolescence and adulthood. This article will illustrate how gender shapes the early adoption of health behaviors in childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood by focusing on physical activity, drinking, and smoking behaviors (including the influence of role modeling). We will also discuss the role of gender in psychosocial stress with a focus on trauma from life events (childhood assault and intimate partner violence) and work, home, and financial stresses. We conclude by exploring potential biological pathways, with a focus on autonomic functioning, which may underpin gender as a social determinant of cardiovascular health. Finally, we discuss implications for cardiovascular treatment and awareness campaigns and consider whether gender equality strategies could reduce the burden of CVD for men and women at the population level.

To examine the association between education level and food purchasing behaviour and the contribution of dietary knowledge to this relationship; and the association between household income and purchasing behaviour and the contribution made by subjective perceptions about the cost of healthy food. The study was conducted in Brisbane City (Australia) in 2000. The sample was selected using a stratified two-stage cluster design. Data were collected by face-to-face interview from residents of private dwellings (n=1003), and the response rate was 66.4%. Dietary knowledge was measured using a 20-item index that assessed general knowledge about food, nutrition, health and their interrelationships. Food-cost concern was measured using a three-item scale derived from principal components analysis (alpha=0.647). Food purchasing was measured using a 16-item index that reflected a household's purchase of grocery items that were consistent (or otherwise) with dietary guideline recommendations. Associations among the variables were analysed using linear regression with adjustment for age and sex. Significant associations were found between education, household income and food purchasing behaviour. Food shoppers with low levels of education, and those residing in low-income households, were least likely to purchase foods that were comparatively high in fibre and low in fat, salt and sugar. Socio-economic differences in dietary knowledge represented part of the pathway through which educational attainment exerts an influence on diet; and food purchasing differences by household income were related to diet in part via food-cost concern. Our findings suggest that socio-economic differences in food purchasing behaviour may contribute to the relationship between socio-economic position and food and nutrient intakes, and, by extension, to socio-economic health inequalities for diet-related disease. Further, socio-economic differences in dietary knowledge and concerns about the cost of healthy food play an important role in these relationships and hence should form the focus of future health promotion efforts directed at reducing health inequalities and encouraging the general population to improve their diets.

Features of the built environment are increasingly being recognised as potentially important determinants of obesity. This has come about, in part, because of advances in methodological tools such as Geographic Information Systems (GIS). GIS has made the procurement of data related to the built environment easier and given researchers the flexibility to create a new generation of environmental exposure measures such as the travel time to the nearest supermarket or calculations of the amount of neighbourhood greenspace. Given the rapid advances in the availability of GIS data and the relative ease of use of GIS software, a glossary on the use of GIS to assess the built environment is timely. As a case study, we draw on aspects the food and physical activity environments as they might apply to obesity, to define key GIS terms related to data collection, concepts, and the measurement of environmental features.