Harm from gambling is known to impact individuals, families, and communities; and these harms are not restricted to people with a gambling disorder. Currently, there is no robust and inclusive internationally agreed upon definition of gambling harm. In addition, the current landscape of gambling policy and research uses inadequate proxy measures of harm, such as problem gambling symptomology, that contribute to a limited understanding of gambling harms. These issues impede efforts to address gambling from a public health perspective. Data regarding harms from gambling was gathered using four separate methodologies, a literature review, focus groups and interviews with professionals involved in the support and treatment of gambling problems, interviews with people who gamble and their affected others, and an analysis of public forum posts for people experiencing problems with gambling and their affected others. The experience of harm related to gambling was examined to generate a conceptual framework. The catalogue of harms experienced were organised as a taxonomy. The current paper proposes a definition and conceptual framework of gambling related harm that captures the full breadth of harms that gambling can contribute to; as well as a taxonomy of harms to facilitate the development of more appropriate measures of harm. Our aim is to create a dialogue that will lead to a more coherent interpretation of gambling harm across treatment providers, policy makers and researchers.

By far the most common strategy used in the attempt to modify negative attitudes toward vaccination is to appeal to evidence-based reasoning. We argue, however, that focusing on science comprehension is inconsistent with one of the key facts of cognitive psychology: Humans are biased information processors and often engage in motivated reasoning. On this basis, we hypothesised that negative attitudes can be explained primarily by factors unrelated to the empirical evidence for vaccination; including some shared attitudes that also attract people to complementary and alternative medicine (CAM). In particular, we tested psychosocial factors associated with CAM endorsement in past research; including aspects of spirituality, intuitive (vs analytic) thinking styles, and the personality trait of openness to experience. These relationships were tested in a cross-sectional, stratified CATI survey (N = 1256, 624 Females). Whilst educational level and thinking style did not predict vaccination rejection, psychosocial factors including: preferring CAM to conventional medicine (OR .49, 95% CI .36–.66), endorsement of spirituality as a source of knowledge (OR .83, 95% CI .71–.96), and openness (OR .86, 95% CI .74–.99), all predicted negative attitudes to vaccination. Furthermore, for 9 of the 12 CAMs surveyed, utilisation in the last 12 months was associated with lower levels of vaccination endorsement. From this we suggest that vaccination scepticism appears to be the outcome of a particular cultural and psychological orientation leading to unwillingness to engage with the scientific evidence. Vaccination compliance might be increased either by building general confidence and understanding of evidence-based medicine, or by appealing to features usually associated with CAM, e.g. ‘strengthening your natural resistance to disease’.

While the financial and psychological burden on problem gamblers can be severe, at least some of the ill effects are also passed on to family or other close social ties. The present study estimated the number of affected-others for the typical problem gambler. Australian members of an online panel with gambling problems (N = 3076) and panel members who indicated that they had been affected by someone else’s gambling (N = 2129) were asked to estimate the number of other people who were negatively affected by their gambling. Using robust statistics to analyse this data, the study found lower estimates made by problem gamblers (four affected people) compared to estimates made by affected others (six affected people, including the respondent). It was concluded that a point-estimate of six people affected is a more accurate figure since it does not suffer from self-presentation effects of problem gamblers. Low-risk and moderate-risk gamblers, unsurprisingly, affected far fewer other people (one and three, respectively). Both gamblers and affected-others most often identified close family members, including spouses and children, as the people impacted by others’ gambling problems. These results provide an approximate measure of the number of people affected, per problem gambler, to facilitate accurate accounting of the harms accruing from gambling problems.

Independent mobility describes the freedom of children to travel and play in public spaces without adult supervision. The potential benefits for children are significant such as social interactions with peers, spatial and traffic safety skills and increased physical activity. Yet, the health benefits of independent mobility, particularly on physical activity accumulation, are largely unexplored. This study aimed to investigate associations of children’s independent mobility with light, moderate-to-vigorous, and total physical activity accumulation.

Background: The prevention paradox (PP) describes a situation in which a greater number of cases of a disease-state come from low-risk members of a population, because they are more prevalent than high-risk members. Past research has provided only tangential and disputed evidence to support the application of the PP to gambling-related harm. Aims: To assess whether the PP applies to gambling, the prevalence of a large set (72) of diverse harmful consequences from gambling was examined across four risk categories for problem gambling, including no-risk, low-risk, moderate-risk, and problem-gambling. Methods: Respondents who had gambled on non-lottery forms in the past 6 months completed an online survey (N = 1,524, 49.4% male). The data were weighted to the known prevalence of gambling problems in the Victorian community. Results: The prevalence of gambling harms, including severe harms, was generally higher in the combined categories of lower risk categories compared to the high-risk problem-gambling category. There were some notable exceptions, however, for some severe and rare harms. Nevertheless, the majority of harms in the 72-item list, including serious harms such as needing temporary accommodation, emergency welfare assistance, experiencing separation or end of a relationship, loss of a job, needing to sell personal items, and experiencing domestic violence from gambling, were more commonly associated with lower risk gamblers. Conclusion: Many significant harms are concentrated outside the ranks of gamblers with a severe mental health condition, which supports a public-health approach to ameliorating gambling-related harm.