Refugees resettled through the United States Refugee Admissions Program are expected to become economically self-sufficient by 90 days post arrival. To meet this expectation, refugee resettlement agencies attempt to place refugees in employment as rapidly as possible. Consequently, refugees are placed into pre-identified jobs—termed survival jobs—at partner employers in the secondary labour market largely irrespective of career background. This study examines the long-term employment and socio-economic outcomes of refugees given the agency approach and resulting initial job placement. To do so, I use individual employment records from a refugee resettlement agency in Chicago, semi-structured interviews with refugees and autoethnography conducted over an eight-year period (2008–16). I find that the initial employment placements made by the refugee resettlement agency in the immediate period post-arrival have long-term implications for economic integration. Refugees in general, but in particular those who arrive with less relevant human capital, remain in employment at agency partners five years after arrival. These positions offer limited opportunities for upward economic mobility, leaving many refugees at or near the Federal Poverty Line.

This article explores the impact of COVID-19 restrictions on foreign health workers in Italy. Focusing on caregivers in Lombardia, we explore what we call carer precarity, an emergent form of precarity resulting from pandemic restrictions exacerbating existing socio-legal vulnerabilities. The duality of the carer role—complete household and societal reliance in addition to simultaneous socio-legal marginalization—shapes their precarity. Utilizing data from 44 qualitative interviews with migrant care workers in live-in and daycare facilities that were conducted prior to and during the COVID-19 pandemic in Italy, we demonstrate how the migrant populations working in the care sector were particularly adversely affected due to their migratory status and working conditions. Migrants are excluded from or have differential access to a range of benefits or entitlements and are employed in undervalued work. Workers with live-in employment experienced tiered access to benefits plus the spatiality of restrictions, resulting in their near-complete confinement. Drawing on Gardner (2022) and Butler’s (2009) conceptualizations of precarity, we describe the emergence of a new form of pandemic-induced spatial precarity for migrant care workers at the nexus of gendered labor, limited mobility, and the spatiality of and a hierarchy of rights associated with migratory status. The findings have implications for healthcare policy and migration scholarship.

Recent scholarship has focused extensively on the deployment of technologies of security as a tactic of migration governance. The analyses have largely been on the effect of prioritising state security over migrant rights and the subsequent impact on their well-being. In our analysis of a migrant accommodation centre called the L’Accademia d’Integrazione (Bergamo, Italy) we contribute to this literature through a multi-scalar analysis of the place-specific rationales justifying the use of these technologies. There, migrants are required to wear jumpsuits reading ‘Thank you Bergamo,’ and subject to behavioural regulation, restricted mobility, and omnipresent surveillance. We observe how this new model of migration governance based around compulsory training and discipline emerged as an attempt to gain political control over the dominant discourse around the perceived migrant threat. Racialised preconceptions of African migrants, their presumed lack of cultural compatibility and a perceived unwillingness to participate in existing integration programs permeated the media and political rhetoric, challenging state sovereignty and perceived control. We see how this approach designed to foster ‘palatability’ contributed to their further differentiation, subjugation, and marginalisation. We question the conceptualisation of integration within the program arguing that rather than produce parity it commits structural violence in form and practice.