Machiavellianism, narcissism and psychopathy are socially aversive personality traits that are strongly linked to the propensity of violence. A central determinate of aggression and violence is parental rearing. Interestingly, while the origin of the development of Dark Triad is not yet entirely understood, next to genetic and environmental factors, literature points towards an influence of parenting styles to the development of dark traits. Therefore, in a sample of 1366 9th grade students (mean age 14.89,), we assessed the interplay between parental rearing, dark triad traits, observation of violence among peers and their propensity for violence. The sample has a good representativeness on school types. Results reveal a positive association between the experience of parental rejection by both parents and punishment as well as parental control and overprotection and Machiavellianism, narcissism and psychopathy. Parental emotional warmth was associated negatively with Machiavellianism and psychopathy while no significant association with narcissism was seen. In a path model, parental rearing, dark triad traits and observation of violence among peers significantly contributed to the propensity of violence. However, differences between the experienced parenting behaviour of mothers and fathers should be noted. Both rejection and overly harsh punishments by fathers and emotional warmth by mothers have no significant influence on the dark triad. It is interesting that the effects regarding maternal parenting behaviour are stronger overall than the effects regarding paternal parenting behaviour. These results underline the importance of parental rearing on the development of Machiavellianism, narcissism and psychopathy and suggest a significant role of parental rearing and the dark triad traits on propensity for violence in adolescents. Parenting trainings and family interventions may be a promising starting point to prevent antisocial behavior linked to the dark triad and to prevent violent behavior in future generations

Does Religiosity Matter? Explaining Right-Wing Extremist Attitudes and the Vote for the Alternative for Germany (AfD)

The uprising of PEGIDA and a high rate of politically motivated hate crimes in the East German state Saxony has created an image of this state as a stronghold of Islamophobia and right-wing extremism. Against this background our leading questions are: Are people’s attitudes to Muslims particularly negative in Saxony when compared to the rest of Germany? What are the causes of these attitudes? And, what consequences do these attitudes have? The results of a theory-led descriptive and multivariate statistical analysis of the data of the Saxony Monitor reveals that the Saxons are not particularly more Islamophobic than individuals in other East German states. However, Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiments can be found more often in East than in West Germany. The results demonstrate that anti-Muslim feeling is caused by a combination of factors. More relevant than actual economic disadvantage are subjective and strongly emotional factors, by which is meant primarily fears and the feeling of threat to one’s own culture, as well as authoritarian attitudes. The fact that a right-wing extremist attitude goes along with the rejection of Muslims should also be understood as a warning not to trivialize anti-Muslim attitudes as being merely a criticism of Islam.

Research on Islamophobia in Switzerland, and on the role of religiosity in relation to Islamophobia, is in its infancy. Against this background, we analyzed data from an online survey conducted in Switzerland on “Xenosophia and Xenophobia in and between Abrahamic religions”. The results of a multivariate analysis revealed that, besides right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and political orientation, indicators related to religion play a crucial role. We found that the greater the role of religion, and the more central it is for the individual, the more likely it is that the individual has a positive view of Islam. We claim that a person’s level of religiosity is accompanied by her adoption of religious values, such as neighbourliness and tolerance, and that the more religious individuals are, the more likely they are occupied with different religions, which leads to tolerance as long as it is not accompanied by a fundamentalist religious orientation. Also relevant is that the preference for the state to have a secularized relationship with religion is accompanied by a fear of Islam. We propose that studies on Islamophobia, as well as on other prejudices, should use differentiated measures for religiosity; the Centrality of Religiosity Scale (CRS) turned out to be a reliable instrument of measurement in this regard.

While some research addresses the relationship between religiosity and political attitudes, little is known about the relationship between religion, conspiracy beliefs, and political culture. Using the concept of authoritarianism, we hypothesise that a conspiracy mentality is likely to be associated with ethnocentric and anti‐democratic attitudes, just as some types of religion—e.g., religious fundamentalism—have a close affinity to authoritarian attitudes. Using data from an online UK survey (N = 1093; quota sample, representative of education, gender, age, and region), we enquire to what extent belief in conspiracy theories is associated with xenophobic, racist, and anti‐democratic attitudes, which aspects of religiosity in combination with other factors play a role in conspiracy beliefs, and which communicative and interpretative practices are associated with belief in conspiracy ideologies. Our analysis reveals that both belief in classical conspiracy theories and belief in Covid‐19 conspiracy theories are significantly related to anti‐Muslim sentiments, anti‐Black racism, and right‐wing extremism. Moreover, a regression analysis shows that an initially discovered relationship between the strength of religiosity and conspiracy mentality disappears once religious fundamentalism is included in the model. The effect of religious fundamentalism is moderated by narcissism and the style of social media use—namely, trusting posts made by one’s friends more than the opinions of experts.