The US policy makers attempted the political settlement of the Afghan conflict for the first time in 2011. This study finds the US policy shift in 2017 along with the strain of the conflict on the US economy, rise of ISKP and the war fatigue among the Taliban fighters have enabled the success of US Taliban negotiations. Now that a tentative Peace Agreement has been signed between the two parties, a more complex phase of intra Afghan dialogue has begun. USA, China and Pakistan have extended their support for all Afghan stakeholders to engage in a meaningful dialogue for a political settlement of the conflict. Both China and Pakistan desire the extension of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) into Afghanistan. The paperanalyzed the Afghan Peace Talks with reference to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor. The motivation and incentives for CPEC incase of successful peace negotiations are be discussed in detail .

The Israel‐Iran war of 2025 has changed the geopolitical face of the Middle East, not only bringing up the issue of nuclear proliferation, but also putting international diplomacy to the test. This essay assesses the performance of liberal institutionalism based on the latest conflict, paying special attention to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) as the main institutional mechanism that once carried the promise of peaceful nuclear interaction. The JCPOA was based on the liberal notions of multilateralism and cooperation, reciprocity and institutional oversights; its collapse raises serious doubts regarding the usefulness of these tools in nuclear conflict management. This essay provides background information and assesses how the 2025 conflict will influence the regional and global balance. It then employs the theoretical perspective of liberal institutionalism to observe the direction taken by the Iran‐West relationship to gauge whether international institutions continue to have the ability to forestall state level security dilemmas as they have led to an absence of open‐war conflicts. This study develops a critical analysis of institutional failure to tame the conflict and offers some ideas for understanding its scope and future direction.

The present study examines the geopolitical rivalry and the maritime strategies of the Chabahar and Gwadar marine port in the surroundings of the Indo–Iranian and Sino–Pakistani so‐called nexuses as it relates to the new security and economic environment across South Asia. Applying the Balance of Threat theory, elaborated by Stephen Walt, the research describes how the impression of threats and not power only drive alliances and infrastructure investment in the region. Though, Chabahar – part of an Indian and Iran contract which provides significant accessibility to Afghanistan and Central Asia, avoided through Pakistani route, Gwadar, backed by China and Pakistan – is a deep‐water portable intersection assimilated alongside the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). These ports are characterized by the lack of collaboration and the continuous security issues and violent outside geopolitical interventions, most notably the US sanctions on Iran, which violently disregard the strategies of one another despite being located closer. This paper brings to light the economic and extra‐economic roles of these ports as resources of competition and means of regional affect and security competition. The strengthened connectivity, multilateral mechanisms, and discussions about conflict reducing maritime security cooperation are proposed as the means of promoting regional cooperation. The study highlights the paradoxical feature of dealing with historical South Asian power relations and proposing balanced policies for sustainable regional integration in the context of changing dynamics in the region.

Along with economic and political implications, the BRI has massive environmental consequences. China's state enterprises and private companies are the major financiers of BRI. This research is aimed at identifying the environmental impact of the BRI, particularly on exacerbating the climate change crises. The analysis revealed that BRI is responsible for a wide range of environmental issues owing to weak environmental safety policies and carbon-intensive practices. The study found a strong positive correlation between the BRI (Belt and Road Initiative) Vision and its implementation regarding the BRI project compatibility with the environment. It was also found that Environmental Change and Development, Economic Prosperity, and Geopolitical Stability were the predictors of BRI implementation, while Environmental Stability was not the predictor of BRI implementation, which means the BRI project can have concerns regarding environmental stability, i.e., security concerns, BRI-countries cooperation, and other factors. The policy guidelines for environmentally friendly and "green BRI", issued by Chinese officials, are entirely voluntary. To mitigate this situation, the Chinese government must formulate environmentally friendly policies along the lines of its domestic design. Theory of Politics was used as a theoretical framework. This paper presents a broad assessment of BRI's impact on the environment, examining implementation as well as practices and policies.

Conflicts in the contemporary international system have increasingly shifted from state‐centric power struggles to deeply rooted human needs crises. This study applies John Burton's Human Needs Theory to explain the persistence of the Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan, focusing on the deprivation of identity, recognition, and security among Kashmiri people. A quantitative research design was used to collect perceptions from 250 respondents, including policy experts and conflict‐affected civilians. Descriptive and inferential analyses reveal that unmet human needs strongly shape attitudes toward resistance and militancy, while traditional military‐driven approaches have failed to deliver sustainable peace. The findings highlight a significant gender‐based and generational difference in insecurity perceptions. The study argues that sustainable conflict resolution requires diplomatic engagement, confidence‐building measures, constitutional reforms, and human‐needs‐oriented peace processes. It concludes that addressing the lived insecurities and political invisibility of Kashmiris is essential for transforming the decades‐old conflict into durable peace.