Planners use various terms—Hispanic, Latino, and Latinx—to refer to people of Latin American descent and from Spanish-speaking countries. Understanding the differences among these terms is relevant to planning given that Hispanics/Latin/o/a/x are a fast-growing group in the United States and terms have evolved over time and differ between users. I ask three questions: Why do planners need to better understand the ethnonyms Hispanic/Latin/o/a/x? How can planners understand the evolution of Hispanic, Latino, and Latinx terminology? Which strategies can help planners to decide which terms to use? Recommendations for practicing planners include hiring more diverse planners; developing a context-specific manual of style; organizing conversations with local organizations, their state APA chapter, or planning school about ethno-racial identity; mapping identities; and creating equity plans at the department or city level. By becoming more culturally competent, planners can plan for and with the Hispanic/Latin/o/a/x community more effectively.

Gentrification scholarship often focuses on the vulnerability of long-term residents in general (for example homeowners, renters, and low-income older adults) to displacement, though not necessarily with focal attention to how this process specifically affects low-income minority older adults. Using ethnographic data, the authors prioritise and examine the experiences of aging low-income Puerto Ricans who, by way of senior-designated affordable housing, remain in some of Chicago’s most rapidly gentrifying communities. Interviews, focus groups, and participant observations are supplemented with data from the US Census from 1970 to 2010 in order to document some of the demographic changes that have been taking place in what were once majority Puerto Rican neighbourhoods. We find that while low-income older Latina and Latino residents are able to stay in a gentrifying neighbourhood, surrounded by new amenities, they still find limited spaces where they feel welcomed, resulting in indirect displacement. We argue that considerations of aging in place should not only include affordable housing, but should also include an accessible neighbourhood in terms of mixed-uses that support the wants and needs of low-income and minority older adults.

In Puerto Rico, after Hurricane María, about 60% of all applications received by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA)’s Individuals and Households Program (IHP) were declared ineligible. Why would such a large number of households in Puerto Rico have been unable to obtain assistance from FEMA? To answer this question, interviews with 10 disaster survivors and 15 stakeholders were conducted. The author found that individuals were denied based on their inability to prove homeownership, no contact for inspection, and duplicate application, among other reasons. The article offers recommendations for how nonprofit groups can participate in postdisaster recovery efforts as well as how to advocate at the local and federal level for disaster victims effectively.

This study delves into the difficulties in rural areas of building resilience to disasters and ensuring long-term sustainability. While cities typically receive attention during disaster recovery efforts, previous research shows that rural regions encounter obstacles such as geographic limitations, transportation issues, financial constraints, and a lack of media attention. This study aims to better understand rural disaster resilience and recovery by examining the impact of Hurricane Maria on Puerto Rico through interviews with 18 professionals involved in the recovery process from a variety of sectors including governmental organizations, emergency managers, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and community leaders from community-based organizations (CBOs). The key findings stress the importance of implementing initiatives in rural areas that bolster sustainability—addressing economic, social, and environmental aspects. This study highlights the importance of customizing disaster response and resilience strategies to meet the needs of rural communities as opposed to a one-size-fits-all approach. It also offers insights for policymakers and urban planners seeking to develop disaster response plans tailored to address the distinctive challenges faced by rural areas.

Previous quantitative research on family homelessness has addressed a question of why some households become homeless. However, why some homeless families return the shelter to repeat their homelessness has not been explored well. This study aims at providing a comprehensive insight into the dynamics of homeless families by identifying the physical, social, and economic characteristics of a homeless family affecting the likelihood of their decision to stay, exit, and return the shelter. The relationships of factors with shelter exit and return were examined using Kaplan-Meier estimates of survival times and Cox Proportional Hazard regression analysis. This study employs a sample of 2348 historical records for 1462 homeless families registered to the Homeless Management Information System (HMIS) database between January 1, 2015 and December 31, 2017. The results indicate that structural factors such as subsidized housing program enrollment during a homeless episode and prior income play a significant role in reducing the risks of shelter exit and return rather than physical characteristics of a homeless family. Additionally, results show that variations in prior residence and exit destination of homeless families serve as factors determining the length of their shelter stay and the likelihood to return to the shelter. Integration of both shelter exit and return analysis results make policymakers and urban planners think about developing policies for coordination of housing and economic stability to address family homelessness.

A focal point of this article is symbols (e.g., flags) and how low-income communities use them to construct ownership over spaces that would have otherwise been inaccessible to them. This conception of contested ownership through symbolism helps us to elaborate the main point of this article: how low-income communities continuously battle gentrification through symbols. The following article employs interviews and a theoretical framework on symbols and collective ethnic identity to understand how they operate in the appropriation of space by applying a case study of Humboldt Park, Chicago, and the Puerto Rican community.