Thinking about the journalistic activity beyond its traditional forms is a recurrent practice in contemporary journalism. The plurality of audiences, behaviors and technologies challenge the classic models of journalism in a way that encourages innovation in different aspects of the activity. However, the term innovation is being broadly applied without rigorous and interesting delimitation to the academic environment. In this sense, we propose in this article initial directions under which aspects it is possible to understand the journalism innovation. It starts from the original concept in the field of Economics and Management to expand its meaning to the Social Sciences and Journalism. We expose three instances in which contemporary journalism already has changes, to understand the journalism as a process and product, which are: 1) content and narrative, 2) technology and format and 3) business model. In addition to this segmentation, some initiatives are presented to illustrate each sub-category and to design an updated concept about innovation journalism.Pensar a atividade jornalística para além de suas formas tradicionais é uma prática já recorrente no jornalismo contemporâneo. A pluralidade de públicos, comportamentos e tecnologias desafiam os modelos clássicos do jornalismo em um movimento que incentiva a inovação em diferentes aspectos da atividade. No entanto, o termo inovação vem sendo aplicado de forma ampla sem um rigor e delimitação interessantes para a pesquisa em jornalismo. Nesse sentido, propomos no presente artigo direcionamentos iniciais sob quais aspectos podemos compreender o jornalismo de inovação. Partimos da origem do conceito na área da Economia e Administração para ampliar seu sentido nas Ciências Sociais e no próprio Jornalismo como atividade. Expomos três instâncias das quais o jornalismo contemporâneo já apresenta novidades para entender o jornalismo de inovação como processo e produto, quais sejam: 1) conteúdo e narrativa, 2) tecnologia e formato e 3) modelo de negócio. Para complementar essa segmentação, apresentamos algumas iniciativas a fim de ilustrar cada subcategoria e projetar uma conceituação atualizada de jornalismo de inovação.Pensar la actividad periodística más allá de sus formas tradicionales ya es una práctica habitual en el periodismo contemporáneo. La pluralidad de públicos, las conductas y las tecnologías desafían los modelos clásicos del periodismo en un movimiento que fomenta la innovación en diferentes aspectos de la actividad. Sin embargo, se utiliza la palabra innovación en términos generales, sin una delimitación rigurosa e interesante para las investigaciones. En ese sentido, proponemos en este artículo las direcciones iniciales que orienten desde cuáles aspectos podemos comprender el periodismo de innovación. Partimos del origen del concepto en el campo de la Economía y Administración, para ampliar su significado en las Ciencias Sociales y en el Periodismo como actividad. Presentamos tres campos en los cuales el periodismo contemporáneo ya presenta nuevas características para comprender el periodismo de innovación como proceso y producto, tales como: 1) el contenido y la narrativa, 2) la tecnología y el formato y 3) el modelo de negocio. Además de esa segmentación, presentamos algunas iniciativas para ilustrar cada subcategoría y construir un concepto actualizado del periodismo de innovación.

RESUMO - As plataformas sociais são ambientes priorizados por governos populistas em todo o mundo e configuram espaços de troca de informação sem mediação jornalística. Invalidar a imprensa é uma estratégia de ação cada vez mais evidente de vozes políticas: um sinal de alerta de violência contra jornalistas, amplificada durante a pandemia de Covid-19. Jair Bolsonaro é um dos exemplos mais contundentes no espectro nacional e este artigo pretende compreender a frequência e tipos de ataque à imprensa presentes nos vídeos publicados pelo canal do presidente brasileiro no YouTube. Para tal, reúne-se uma metodologia híbrida com análise de conteúdo e métodos digitais. O recorte temporal abrange os 100 primeiros dias de crise – de 26 de fevereiro a 4 de junho de 2020. Os resultados apontam que a imprensa é citada em 36% do conteúdo. Destes, 40% representam críticas, 28% ataques verbais e 26% descredibilização. ABSTRACT - Social platforms are environments prioritized by populist governments around the world and spaces frequently used for exchanging information without journalistic mediation. Invalidating the press is an increasingly evident strategy by political voices: a warning sign of attacks against journalists, amplified during the Covid-19 pandemic. Jair Bolsonaro is one of the more striking examples in Brazil and this article aims to understand the frequency and types of attacks on the press in videos published by the Brazilian president’s YouTube channel. A hybrid methodology of content analysis and digital methods is developed for this study. The time frame covers the first 100 days of the health crisis in the country – from February 26 to June 4, 2020. The results show that the press is mentioned in 36% of the content; 40% of which represents criticism, 28% verbal attacks and 26% media discredit. RESUMEN - Las plataformas sociales son priorizadas por gobiernos populistas de todo el mundo y son frecuentemente espacios de intercambio de información sin mediación periodística. La invalidación de la prensa es una estrategia cada vez más evidente por parte de las voces políticas: una señal de alerta de violencia contra los periodistas, amplificada durante la pandemia del Covid-19. Jair Bolsonaro es uno de los ejemplos más determinantes del espectro nacional y este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la frecuencia y los tipos de ataques a la prensa que aparecen en los videos publicados por el canal de YouTube del presidente brasileño. Para tal fin, se desarrolla una metodología híbrida con análisis de contenido y métodos digitales. El marco de tiempo cubre los primeros 100 días de la crisis de salud en el país – del 26 de febrero al 4 de junio de 2020. Los resultados muestran que la prensa se menciona en el 36% del contenido, en el que el 40% representa críticas, el 28% Ataques Verbales y 26% de descrédito mediático.

Revista especializada em estudos de Moda

The concept of “wellness” and its associated representations have become key aspects of modern culture, with social media platforms like Instagram playing a significant role. Not only do these platforms serve as spaces for the public expression of wellness-related topics, but they also influence public perceptions. This becomes particularly meaningful when these expressions are linked to gender. Our research explores how wellness and gender are depicted in popular Instagram posts. By analysing 300 public Instagram posts tagged with #wellness from 2023, we investigate whether traditional notions of gender and bodies are challenged or reinforced. Wellness is a multifaceted process, but our findings show that users often adhere to a narrow concept. To understand these representations, we focused on posts tagged with #wellness, particularly those in the physical category. The study employed a digital methods approach (Rogers, 2013) and thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2021), uncovering three primary themes: Practices & Workout, Body & Expressions, and Clothing & Adornment. Predominantly, all themes in the context of wellness depict gender in a binary form and bodies as thin or athletic. These traditional gender and body norms are perpetuated on Instagram, reinforcing societal standards of beauty and body image. Instagram’s engagement logic preferentially promotes content conforming to dominant societal norms, strengthening these patterns. Alternative or counter-narratives, while they exist, often face challenges in gaining visibility due to both algorithmic biases and cultural predispositions. Although Instagram has the potential to offer a platform for such counter-narratives, our findings indicate that normative content continues to dominate in terms of visibility and engagement.

Better theories and practices are constructed through a deep understanding of the subjects involved. In Portugal, young adults aged 18 to 30 are a group sometimes left out because the Portuguese official statistical data does not treat this as an age category by itself, dividing it either into young people or the general idea of adults. Through a social constructivist quantitative approach, this article seeks to construct a profile of young adulthood in Portugal, both in socio-demographic terms and in terms of their relationship with media. An online survey was conducted on a representative sample of young Portuguese adults (18–30 years), guaranteeing a margin of error of ±2.53% at the 95% confidence level. Results reveal that 83.5% of young adults identify themselves as heterosexual, and 83.5% do not have children. The average age of respondents with children is 26 years old. Most young adults (63.5%) live with their parents or other adult relatives, and the vast majority (82.2%) of these parents or relatives with whom they live are employed and have primary or secondary education. Mobile phones (92.8%), laptop computers (84.1%), and TV with a box (78.5%) are the primary media to which the young people in the sample have access. The mobile phone stands out in particular, as 90.2% of those inquired revealed that they use it every day. Social media are identified as the most frequently consumed type of media content (81.1% every day). These findings strengthen the idea of the centrality of the mobile phone in daily lives, especially among young adults, as well as social media platforms. This research helps to understand that the young adult profile in Portugal presents themselves as heterosexual, has no children, lives with parents or other adult relatives, and uses a mobile phone daily, despite having other media available for its use.

The rise of the mobile era has brought ubiquity in media access, constant connection to other people and interconnectedness with devices as part of life. Considering mobile devices and mobile applications (m-apps) as an environment that allows multitasking, this article is interested in understanding the performance of popular m-apps in the daily lives of young adults in Portugal. It is also focused on how these apps relate to their personal contexts and experiences. To this end, an online questionnaire survey was conducted using a quantitative-extensive methodological strategy. The research involved applying a set of data collection questions to a representative sample of Portuguese young adults (N = 1500) aged 18-30. The results show that more than 90% of Portuguese young adults use m-apps every day, emphasising social media applications (daily use between 81,32% and 91,21%). It is also important to note that the use of m-apps dialogues with their personal contexts is substantially different from the perceived relevance of apps. Social and entertainment apps are more consumed and show an extension of the self that is not perceived to be as important as apps with social uses.