Background: Gender inequality and violence are not mutually exclusive phenomena but complex loops affecting each other. Women in Nepal face several inequalities and violence. The causes are diverse, but most of these results are due to socially assigned lower positioning of women. The hierarchies based on power make women face subordination and violence in Nepal. The study aims to explore participants' understanding and experience to identify the status of inequality for women and how violence emerges as one of its consequences. Furthermore, it explores the causes of sex trafficking as an example of an outcome of inequality and violence. Method: The study formulated separate male and female groups using a purposive sampling method. The study used a multistage focus group discussion, where the same groups met at different intervals. Six focus group discussions, three times each with male and female groups, were conducted in a year. Thirty-six individuals, including sixteen males and twenty females, were involved in the discussions. The study used constructivist grounded theory for the data analysis. Results: The study participants identify that a power play between men and women reinforce inequality and increases the likelihood of violence for women. The findings suggest that the subjugation of women occurs due to practices based on gender differences, constricted life opportunities, and internalization of constructed differences among women. The study identifies that interpersonal and socio-cultural violence can result due to established differences between men and women. Sex trafficking, as an example of the outcome of inequality and violence, occurs due to the disadvantageous position of women compounded by poverty and illiteracy. The study has developed a concept of power-play which is identified as a cause and consequence of women's subordination and violence. This power play is found operative at various levels with social approval for men to use violence and maintain/produce inequality. Conclusion: The theoretical concept of power play shows that there are inequitable power relations between men and women. The male-centric socio-cultural norms and practices have endowed men with privilege, power, and an opportunity to exploit women. This lowers the status of women and the power-play help to produce and sustain inequality. The power-play exposes women to violence and manifests itself as one of the worst expressions used by men.

Gender-based violence (GBV) has been addressed as a policy issue in Nepal since the mid 1990s, yet it was only in 2010 that Nepal developed a legal and policy framework to combat GBV. This article draws on the concepts of agenda setting and framing to analyse the historical processes by which GBV became legitimized as a health policy issue in Nepal and explored factors that facilitated and constrained the opening and closing of windows of opportunity. The results presented are based on a document analysis of the policy and regulatory framework around GBV in Nepal. A content analysis was undertaken. Agenda setting for GBV policies in Nepal evolved over many years and was characterized by the interplay of political context factors, actors and multiple frames. The way the issue was depicted at different times and by different actors played a key role in the delay in bringing health onto the policy agenda. Women’s groups and less powerful Ministries developed gender equity and development frames, but it was only when the more powerful human rights frame was promoted by the country’s new Constitution and the Office of the Prime Minister that legislation on GBV was achieved and a domestic violence bill was adopted, followed by a National Plan of Action. This eventually enabled the health frame to converge around the development of implementation policies that incorporated health service responses. Our explicit incorporation of framing within the Kindgon model has illustrated how important it is for understanding the emergence of policy issues, and the subsequent debates about their resolution. The framing of a policy problem by certain policy actors, affects the development of each of the three policy streams, and may facilitate or constrain their convergence. The concept of framing therefore lends an additional depth of understanding to the Kindgon agenda setting model.

Sanjel S, et al. Ann Occup Environ Med. 2017 Mar;29(1):9. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40557-017-0165-0

Worldwide, a large number of women experience disrespectful and abusive behavior from care providers during childbirth. This violates the rights of women to attain respectful care. This study aimed to find out the women’s experience of disrespect and abuse during institutional delivery. A cross-sectional study was conducted in two hospitals of Morang district situated in eastern Nepal. Two hundred eighteen women from a public hospital and 109 women from a private hospital (N = 327) with normal vaginal delivery were selected purposively for this study. Data were collected through face-to-face interviews using a structured questionnaire based on the Disrespectful and Abusive Scale by Bowser and Hill. All women had experienced at least one type of disrespect and/or abuse during labor and delivery, most common being non-consented care (100%), non-dignified care (72%), and non-confidential care (66.6%), respectively. Discriminatory care and physical abuse were experienced by 32.33% and 13.23%, respectively. Ethnicity, religion, place of delivery, and numbers of living children were the main predictors of reporting disrespect and abuse. Overall, the occurrence of disrespect and abuse during institutional delivery was found to be very high.

‘We are looked down upon and rejected socially’: a qualitative study on the experiences of trafficking survivors in Nepal

Heavy goods vehicle drivers are an influential driving population in Nepal, with over 90% of goods in the country are transported by road. Due to the time spent on the road, drivers have long periods of exposure to the risk of crash involvement. The study explores the perceptions and experiences of heavy goods vehicle drivers and representatives from their professional association regarding road danger. We conducted semi-structured interviews with fifteen heavy goods vehicle drivers regularly driving on the East-West highway of Makwanpur District, Nepal. A focus group was conducted with eleven members from a major transportation entrepreneur's association in Nepal. The focus group and interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, translated, and analyzed using thematic analysis. Four themes were developed- assumptions of blame; perceptions of safety culture in the trucking industry; influence of road infrastructure; and behaviours of road users. The road and traffic environment, enforcement, and the safety culture in the heavy vehicle industry not only influenced the attitudes of the road users towards traffic safety but also legitimized and encouraged behaviours that affect safety. General and industry-related road safety improvements suggested by participants included: making provision for heavy good vehicles parking areas, separating the highway with a median strip, improving crash investigation capacity, conducting road safety awareness and training programs, strictly enforcing the speed limit and laws about driving under the influence of alcohol/drugs, and formulating strategies to create a safe, supportive working environment in the heavy vehicle industry. Heavy goods vehicle drivers and members of the professional association can provide rich information regarding the barriers and facilitators of road risk in Nepal. Their perceptions and opinions can contribute to devising interventions at individual, societal, organizational, and governmental levels, and inform efforts to develop a positive safety culture within the heavy vehicle transport industry.