Historic centers have suffered different processes of neglect, occupation, segregation, gentrification, and touristification as a result of changes in demand and policies. Currently, they are going through a homogenization process motivated by tourist pressure, which is causing the expulsion of the local population; this is a common topic of interest for media and political agendas, which requires scientific analysis. This research aims at identifying the winning and the losing tourist groups in the historic center of Seville. It is structured in two parts: a conceptual one based on the bibliographic review with which one wants to know how the current society responds to tourist pressure through defining and characterizing the processes of substitution of uses and inhabitants, and another empirical one in which the analysis of statistical indicators (demographic, economic, and residential) treated with Geographic Information System (GIS) allows us to measure the degree of existing vulnerability and analyze social and spatial effects caused by the tourism in Seville.

Austerity policies and the bankruptcy of the welfare state in Spain since the crisis of 2008 have mobilized the population to demand new models of urban governance, an improvement of basic services (work, health, education and housing) and the right to the city in a context of democratic deepening. The emergence of new leftist parties, a result of the Indignados social movement, is perceived as an alternative to the economic and social consequences of the neoliberal economic model implemented in Spain from the mid-1980s to 2008. Confronting the situation of economic, social and residential vulnerability in which society is immersed requires collaborative, multilevel and network governance. This paper examines the new urban governance models, reflecting on their objectives and challenges. The cases of Madrid and Barcelona, where mayors of leftist parties are carrying out a new plan of city government, are analyzed with a particular focus on supporting the most vulnerable and promoting more collaborative governance. In the medium term, it remains to be seen whether this new model is sustainable or is simply a post-crisis reaction.

La crisis consecuencia de la pandemia de la COVID-19 está poniendo de manifiesto las débiles estructuras en las que sustentaba la supuesta recuperación económica y las fuertes desigualdades socio-urbanas sobre las que se fundamenta esta recuperación. La enfermedad es un indicador de desigualdad pero, en el contexto de la COVID-19, también lo son las medidas para su contención. El objetivo de este artículo es estudiar la desigualdad urbana en Palma, focalizando la investigación en uno de los barrios más empobrecidos y vulnerables de la ciudad, son Gotleu, durante la etapa del confinamiento de la COVID-19. La metodología combina dos tipos de análisis, uno a escala de ciudad y otro de barrio. Para esto, primero elaboramos un mapa social de la desigualdad de Palma a partir de un Análisis de Componentes Principales. Segundo, realizamos una encuesta sobre la calidad de vida durante el confinamiento a residentes de son Gotleu. El trabajo concluye manifestando, por un lado, la existencia de importantes brechas sociales y económicas en Palma. Por otro, las débiles condiciones sociales, económicas y de vivienda a las que se enfrenta son Gotleu para hacer frente a una crisis (sanitaria y económica) de esta envergadura.

The economic crisis and post-crisis austerity policies have had harmful effects on urban spaces, mainly in those neighborhoods that have historically been characterized by their vulnerability (social problems, long-term unemployment, low incomes, immigration, etc.). This vulnerability has become more evident in cities that are greater in size (Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Seville). However, such casuistry is also observed in medium-sized cities (250,000–500,000 inhabitants) that are prominent urban and economic hubs in their regions. In this article we will analyze to what extent the crisis has impacted the different urban sectors through the analysis of degree of vulnerability. For this, the cities of A Coruña and Vigo—the two main urban poles of the Autonomous Region of Galicia—will be taken as case studies. In addition, we will analyze the proposals to combat vulnerability presented by the ruling parties in their programs for the 2015 municipal elections. Elections that in Spain marked a turning point in the form of governance and priorities to attend (attention to those most affected by the crisis, stop eviction processes, reduction of intra-urban inequality). We will analyze to what extent they have implemented.

Habitual statements in academic and journalistic fields on the growing inequality of our cities call for multiple reflections