Piotr Żuk

Prof. Piotr Żuk

The Centre for Civil Rights and Democracy Research, Wrocław, Poland
orcid

Research Focus & Metrics

Academic Career Length

18Years (2009-Present)

(Calculated once Scilit publication data is synced: current year − year of first publication + 1)

Representative Publications

View All Publications
26 March 2022 in Sustainable Production and Consumption
Verified
Journal Article
Open access
AKAntje Klitkou
Antje Klitkou
SBSimon Bolwig
Simon Bolwig
AHAndreas Huber
Andreas Huber
LILina Ingeborgrud
Lina Ingeborgrud
PPPrzemysław Pluciński
Przemysław Pluciński
PŻPiotr Żuk
Piotr Żuk

10 October 2019 in Critical Discourse Studies
Verified
Journal Article
Closed access
PŻPiotr Żuk
Piotr Żuk
PŻPaweł Żuk
Paweł Żuk
The article analyses the language used by the Polish nationalist right in relation to LGBT communities and the right to abortion. The authors show links between the language of Church hierarchs and right-wing columnists as the ideological backbone of the governing right-wing populist right. According to the authors, the attack on gender is the same method of political mobilisation and power management as the campaign against refugees and the anti-immigrant hysteria. On the one hand, the anti-gender discourse may strengthen the narrative against the ‘liberal EU’ and, on the other hand, it is used to show substitute ‘scapegoats’ in Poland. Moral panic makes it possible to release class tensions in the manner that is safe for the system through the artificially induced cultural and ideological conflict. However, the dispersed anti-gender discourse has a real impact on social attitudes – on the one hand, it polarises social sympathies and, on the other hand, it strengthens conservative attitudes. The analysis is based on right-wing press articles, Church hierarchs’ statements, videos on YouTube and a parliamentary debate about the right to abortion.

21 January 2020 in Global Public Health
Verified
Journal Article
Closed access
PŻPiotr Żuk
Piotr Żuk
PŻPaweł Żuk
Paweł Żuk
The article describes the growing anti-vaccine movements in the context of right-wing populism, which is also gaining popularity around the world. According to the authors, these two phenomena have a lot in common, and the activists of the anti-vaccine movements often intermingle with populist right-wing movements. The connection between anti-vaccine activists and populists is illustrated in the analysis of discourse and anti-vaccine arguments presented in materials on the Polish-language YouTube channel, as well as in comments on YouTube forums. The slogans of the defence of ‘ordinary people’ against ‘corrupt elites’ in the medical dimension indicate a dislike for ‘medical conspiracy’ and doctors corrupted by pharmaceutical concerns. Just like right-wing populists, opponents of vaccines in Poland refer to nationalist slogans and have an aversion to the European Union. In addition to the rejection of the WHO standards on sex education and the sceptic attitude to environmental changes, the rejection of vaccines is another manifestation of the conspiracy ideologies of right-wing populists in Poland that may affect health and health policy. In the area of public health, this means rejecting medical knowledge and replacing it with myths and prejudices proclaimed by anti-vaccine movements, among others.


1 June 2021 in Resources Policy
Verified
Journal Article
Open access
PŻPiotr Żuk
Piotr Żuk
PŻPaweł Żuk
Paweł Żuk
PPPrzemysław Pluciński
Przemysław Pluciński

2 September 2019 in Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe
Verified
Journal Article
Closed access
PŻPiotr Żuk
Piotr Żuk
PŻPaweł Żuk
Paweł Żuk
This article describes the history of relations between the Catholic Church and the Polish state in the period from the 1990s to the present. The authors defend a thesis that, although political elites and the state underwent pressure from the Church, the society had many opportunities to separate its religious beliefs from its own political choices, begin the slow process of secularization and learn the lessons of Enlightenment in this part of Europe. The political pressure of the Church on parliamentarians and its alliance with right-wing politicians is presented through the example of the In Vitro Fertilization Act. The authors analyse statements of the episcopate and speeches of right-wing politicians during a debate in the Senate. The article also refers to surveys to show a growing gap between the clerical state and the increasingly secularized society. Furthermore, the authors describe the growing political and religious alliance of “throne and altar” – especially under PiS rule – and the predominance of nationalist and conservative ideas in the Catholic Church in Poland.