We used a forced choice visual world paradigm to examine when listeners integrate case when processing Korean, in native speakers and two groups of adult L2 learners. The L2 learners varied as concerns the typological proximity between their L1 (French or Kazakh) and Korean. Processing was compared for canonical (SOV) and scrambled (OSV) word order. Nominal case marking was either accusative (NOM-ACC) or dative (NOM-DAT). Native Koreans showed anticipatory looks to the correct image, regardless of word order or case. Neither L2 group showed anticipatory looks to the correct image prior to the final auditory verb. Both L2 groups demonstrated superior performance for the dative. However, the Kazakh group showed better capacities to correctly interpret utterances based on case than the French. Our results provide evidence of the incremental nature of processing in Korean for native speakers and, for L2 learners, the effect of L1–L2 overlap and specific case marking.

We report the results of two ERP experiments in which Spanish learners of French and native French controls show graded sensitivity to verbal inflectional errors as a function of the presence of orthographic and/or phonological cues when reading silently in French. In both experiments, verbal agreement was manipulated in sentential context such that subject verb agreement was either correct, ill-formed and orally-realized, involving both orthographic and phonological cues, or ill-formed and silent which involved only orthographic cues. The results of both experiments revealed more robust ERP responses to orally-realized than to silent inflectional errors. This was true for L2 learners as well as native controls, although the effect in the learner group was reduced in comparison to the native group. In addition, the combined influence of phonological and orthographic cues led to the largest differences between morphosyntactic conditions. Overall, the results suggest that the presence of phonological cues may enhance L2 readers’ sensitivity to morphology but that such may appear in L2 processing only when sufficient proficiency is attained. Moreover, both orthographic and phonological cues are used when available.

Previous experimental studies have reported clear differences between native speakers and second language (L2) learners as concerns their capacity to extract and exploit morphosyntactic information during online processing. We examined the online processing of nominal case morphology in Korean by native speakers and L2 learners by contrasting canonical (SOV) and scrambled (OSV) structures, across auditory (Experiment 1) and written (Experiment 2) formats. Moreover, we compared different instances of nominal case marking: accusative (NOM-ACC) and dative (NOM-DAT). During auditory processing, Koreans showed incremental processing based on case information, with no effect of scrambling or specific case marking. In contrast, the L2 group showed no evidence of predictive processing and was negatively impacted by scrambling, especially for the accusative. During reading, both Koreans and the L2 group showed a cost of scrambling on first pass reading times, specifically for the dative. Lastly, L2 learners showed better comprehension for scrambled dative than accusative structures across formats. The current set of results show that format, the specific case marking, and word order all affect the online processing of nominal case morphology.

Herein we present electrophysiological evidence of extremely rapid learning of new labels in a second language (L2) for existing concepts, via computerized games. However, the effect was largely constrained by crosslinguistic grammatical gender congruency. We recorded ERPs both prior to exposure with the L2 and following a 4-day training session. Prior to exposure, no modulation of the N400 component was found as a function of the correct Match vs. Mismatch of audio presentation of words and their associated images. Post-training, a large N400 effect emerged for Mismatch compared to Match trials, but only for trials on which the L2 words shared grammatical gender in the learners' L1. Behavioral results showed that all L2 words were learned equally as well, independent of gender congruency across the L1 and the L2. The results demonstrate that crosslinguistic grammatical gender congruency influences lexical activation during the initial stages of establishing a new L2 lexicon.