Chinese dating shows emerged in the late 1980s and initially were a space for marriage advertisement for individuals. It has then evolved into an entertainment arena for singles to show talent, discuss, and interact with one another. The evolution of the shows not only reflects the changing preference of television viewers but also testifies the broader changes of social and gender relations, media regulations, as well as the different values and identities across generations. By examining the invention and reinvention processes of China’s television dating shows, the article argues that dating shows played a significant role in advancing traditional marriage matchmaking culture through (re)invention of new traditions. In doing so, it has not only created new television genres but also mobilized the audience to discuss love and marriage and to voice their opinions on a rapidly changing society.

The article explores China’s growing “single economy” through a case study of the date-renting industry, which has, in recent decades, become a thriving part of Chinese society. It first outlines China’s changing demographics and the scholarship centred on the rising “single” population. Next, the article clarifies the concept of the single economy and the theoretical approach for this study. It shows that an increasing number of businesses have developed new products and services to target the “single market” in China. Third, the article introduces the research methods for this study. Through a close examination of various date-renting websites, the article identifies the logic of the date-renting industry and the strategic presentation of “date-traders” online. It argues that the boundary between emotions and capitalism has become increasingly blurred as these two seemingly opposing forces are now converging, constituting a unique phenomenon in China’s single economy. This manifests as an economically moulded dating culture intertwined with new, intricate social and personal relations – a by-product of China’s demographic shifts and rapidly growing market economy.

Translated questionnaires are increasingly used in population health research. Nevertheless, translation is often not conducted with the same rigour as the process of survey development in the original language. This has serious limitations and may introduce bias in question relevance and meaning. This article describes and reflects on the process of translating a large and complex sexual and reproductive health survey from English into Simplified Chinese. We interrogated assumptions embedded in taken-for-granted translation practice to locate the sociocultural origins of these assumptions. We discuss how terminology and expression related to sexual and reproductive health may lose their conceptual or linguistic significance during translation in three different ways. Firstly, meanings can be lost in the negotiation of meanings associated with linguacultural and geographical variations of terminology. Secondly, meanings can be lost in the clash between everyday and professional sexual and reproductive health discourses. Thirdly, meanings can be lost due to the design of the source questionnaire and the intended mode of survey administration. We discuss ways to help overcome the unavoidable translation challenges that arise in the process of translating English sexual and reproductive health surveys for migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds.

The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths in the first six months of this year. It has also exposed and led to increases in the inequalities that exist worldwide. This paper draws attention to the prejudices and biases toward three vulnerable social groups – women, the elderly and Asian ethnic minorities during the crisis. It shows that while women ‘held up more than half of the sky’ both inside and outside the house, they struggled against rising domestic violence and various forms of sexism. The elderly, the most at risk of infection, are being ‘abandoned’, ‘abused’ or ‘obliged’ to sacrifice themselves to the capitalist market economy.(not sure if I’ve got your meaning right in this last bit) Ethnic minorities, especially Asian/Chinese immigrants in western countries have been subjected to racial stereotypes in their everyday life. Although the coronavirus will disappear the ‘shadow’ of the pandemic will undoubtedly remain unless we rebuild solidarity and work together to reflect, reconcile and redress the inequalities entrenched in our societies.

This article examines the cultural economy of Xiangqin in contemporary China. Xiangqin translates as ‘marriage matchmaking’ or ‘blind dating’ in English. An analysis of Chinese television dating shows reveals that commercial Xiangqin programmes have strategically ‘arrested emotions’ of participants and maximized economic opportunities for both corporations and individuals. Similarly, the growing business of date-renting suggests Xiangqin has turned into a popular shared service among China’s post- sex revolution youth, and become intertwined with paradoxes of familial obligations, emotions, and economic motives. Mobile matchmaking apps have emerged as an innovative tool providing mobile phone users with considerable mobility, autonomy and privacy. However, they have simultaneously reinforced the role of parents in their children’s mate selection. This article argues that China’s cultural convention of Xiangqin has been transformed from a marriage practice into an economic conduct. This has not only boosted China’s intimate business but also given rise to a dating culture which is simultaneously individual, social, liberating, and concerning.