In this editorial, we consider the current state of loneliness and social isolation research around the world, including knowledge gaps in the empirical literature.

Loneliness is consistently linked to worse depression/depressive symptoms; however, there are few studies that have examined whether the relationship between loneliness and depressive symptoms varies by race. The purpose of this study was to determine whether race moderated the relationship between loneliness and depressive symptoms. Data come from the 2014 wave of the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) Core survey and Psychosocial Leave-Behind Questionnaire; only black and white older adults were included in the analysis (N = 6,469). Depressive symptoms were operationalized by the eight-item Center for Epidemiological Studies—Depression scale; however, the “felt lonely” item was removed given concerns with collinearity. Loneliness was operationalized using the Hughes 3-Item Loneliness Scale. Sociodemographic variables included gender, age, education, household income, employment status, marital status, and living alone or with others. Furthermore, social support and negative interactions from family members and friends, and religious service attendance were included in the analysis. Lastly, we created an interaction term between race and loneliness. All analyses used survey weights to account for the complex multistage sampling design of the HRS. Missing data were multiply imputed. In multivariable analysis, we found race significantly moderated the relationship between loneliness and depressive symptoms while controlling for sociodemographic covariates, social support and negative interaction variables, and religious service attendance. Our findings demonstrate a differential racial effect for loneliness and depressive symptoms. For both blacks and whites, greater loneliness affected depressive symptoms; however, the effect was stronger among whites than it was for blacks. Given this is one of the first studies to examine the differential effects of race on loneliness and depressive symptoms, more research is necessary to determine the consistency of these results.

Objectives: To investigate sociodemographic factors and neighborhood/environmental conditions associated with social isolation (SI) among Black older adults. Methods: We utilized data from the 2014 and 2016 Leave-Behind Questionnaire from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS LBQ) among those who self-identified as Black ( N = 2.323). Outcome variables for our study included SI from adult children, other family members, friends, disengagement from social participation and religious services, being unmarried, and living alone. These indicators were also combined into an overall SI index. Critical predictors included gender, age, household income, education, employment status, neighborhood cohesion, neighborhood disorder, urbanicity, and region of residence. Results: Sociodemographic factors of gender, education and household income were significantly associated with SI indicators. Additionally, some neighborhood/environmental conditions were associated with SI indicators. Discussion: SI was found to be patterned by sociodemographic factors. These results can be used to develop effective interventions to mitigate SI among Black older adults.

Life course theory (LCT; Elder & George, 2015) links human development and behavior to sociohistorical contexts that are embedded within social and personal relationships and processes. Although well-known in gerontology and human development, LCT is seldom used to examine the lives of racial/ethnic minority groups and how systemic racism (i.e., discriminatory policies and practices) operates as a structural driver of social and health inequities across the life course (see Gee et al., 2012). Bonilla-Silva (2006) and Reskin (2012) argue that racism and discrimination is an all-encompassing system that produces race-linked disparities in health and social well-being and represents a: “meta-level phenomenon that shapes our culture, cognitions, and institutions, thereby distorting whether and how we perceive and make sense of racial disparities” ( Reskin, 2012, p. 17). Gee and colleagues (2019, p. S43) link racism and the life course in stating: “racism shapes the life course, a perspective for understanding how human experiences unfold over time.” Racism, enshrined in historic and ongoing policies and practices and experienced over the life course, has a continuing impact on the social and health statuses of racial and ethnic minority groups in the United States and in producing inequities in health and social well-being that are unfair, unjust, and avoidable ( Braveman et al., 2011).