The use of artificial intelligence (AI) in journalism has transformed the sector, with media generating content automatically without journalists’ involvement, and various media companies implementing AI solutions. Some research suggests AI-authored articles are perceived as equally credible as human-written content, while others raise concerns about misinformation and trust erosion Most studies focus on journalists’ views, with audience attitudes explored mainly through quantitative methods, though there is no consensus regarding the acceptability of AI use by news organizations. We explore AI’s role in journalism through audience research, conducting five focus groups to understand public perceptions. The findings highlight concerns about AI-generated content, particularly potential errors, opacity, and coldness of the content. The information is perceived as somewhat less valuable, being viewed as more automated and requiring less human effort. These concerns coexist with a certain view of AI content as more objective, unbiased, and closer to the ideal of independence from political and economic pressures. Nevertheless, citizens with more AI knowledge question the neutrality of automated content, suspecting biases from corporate interests or journalists influencing the prompts.

Nos encontramos en una era marcada por la desinformación, las fake news y la crisis del periodismo. A la crisis económica, que ha provocado la desaparición de puestos de trabajo y numerosos medios de comunicación convencionales, especialmente en el sector de la prensa impresa, hay que sumar una intensa crisis de confianza. Entre las opciones para intentar salir de esta situación, varios teóricos de la comunicación y algunas empresas consideran que la tecnología blockchain ofrece nuevas oportunidades al periodismo de calidad. La cadena de bloques tiene su origen en la moneda electrónica, pero cada vez está siendo más utilizada en la comunicación digital y el periodismo en particular. Este artículo está dedicado al caso de Civil, la primera plataforma de blockchain para periodismo, que alojaba a decenas de medios de comunicación que habían adquirido el compromiso de respetar las normas éticas impuestas por la organización. El presente estudio de caso centra su atención en los siguientes aspectos: la misión y objetivos del proyecto Civil, su origen e historia, la estructura y el sistema de gobernanza de la organización, la función de la criptomoneda propia y los principios éticos y normas profesionales que rigen la llamada Comunidad Civil. Para estudiar Civil no sólo nos hemos fijado en los documentos de su web y en la bibliografía existente, sino que llevamos a cabo entrevistas a miembros del proyecto, algunas en su sede de Nueva York. Asimismo, entrevistamos a la responsable del primer medio de comunicación que adoptó la tecnología blockchain a través de esta plataforma.

Since 2010 the Catalan secessionist movement has been reported on extensively in the global media. Beginning with the 2010 demonstrations against the decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court to reject a new Catalan statute of autonomy, and covering subsequent events such as the unofficial self-determination referendum in 2017, the trial and imprisonment of Catalan political leaders, and the violent protests against the verdicts; the events in the region have all featured heavily on the front pages of the international press. This study analyzes how US and UK newspapers have covered the Catalan independence movement during the period from 2010 to 2019. To do so, this study focuses on two US newspapers ( The New York Times and The Washington Post) and two from the UK newspapers ( The Daily Telegraph and The Guardian) and observes how the positions of the Spanish and Catalan governments are represented through the analysis of the frames used to construct the newspapers’ coverage, as well as the overall tone and the sources used by the journalists. To detect the dominant framework, a framing analysis is undertaken from a communicative and deductive perspective, applying Semetko and Valkenburg’s classification. In-depth interviews are also conducted with the newspapers’ Spanish-based foreign correspondents which allows the analysis to include the correspondents’ views on the difficulties faced by them during their time spent while covering the conflict. The study’s primary conclusion is that the international press downplays the significant role played by social movements and civil society in the secession movement, with a strong preference shown by journalists to rely on representatives of official sources as the most valid spokespersons for the movement. Secondly, the study finds that media attention follows closely the flash-points of the conflict with more coverage appearing at the moments of greater political tension between the Spanish and Catalan governments. This suggests that civil society mobilizations attract less interest from the media that instead prefers to focus on developments in the political sphere.

This article is a follow-up to an article published in the American Behavioral Scientist in 2017, titled “Shaping public opinion for confrontation: Catalan independence claims as represented in Spanish, Catalan, Valencian, and Basque Editorials.” At that time, our study was based on opinions expressed in mainstream newspaper editorials during two significant events in Catalonia’s recent history: the demonstration against the Spanish Constitutional Court ruling on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of July 10, 2010, and the mass pro-independence demonstration held on September 11, 2012. The research sought to compare the press reports published in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque Country with those from the rest of Spain (primarily Madrid). This study applies the same methodology to analyze editorial pieces published during the campaign prior to the Catalan parliamentary elections on December 21, 2017. This date was historically significant for Catalonia because for the first time since the restoration of democracy following the Franco regime, the Spanish state had intervened in Catalonia’s self-rule by using Article 155 of the Spanish constitution to call snap elections. At the time, the lead candidates for the pro-independence parties were Oriol Junqueras (Republican Left of Catalonia) and Carles Puigdemont (Together for Catalonia), the former in prison and the latter abroad (or in “exile,” according to secessionists). In light of the opposing opinions and perspectives, we believe it is worth analyzing and comparing mainstream editorials from Catalonia (Barcelona) and Spain (Madrid) once again, to ascertain the dominant narratives used in both to explain the Catalan and Spanish position and frame of reference. We have extended the scope to include mainstream online as well as printed media with a view to achieving a better understanding and providing a wider overview of the public agenda and debate at that time.

This chapter critically examines FC Barcelona as a corporate entity. In doing so, it has three key themes. First, it considers the processes by which the club evolved into a global matrix of product, sport, business and entertainment. It then discusses the implications of these processes, with an analysis of the strategies employed by FC Barcelona that enabled it to become such a powerful multinational force. Finally, the chapter speculates about the nature of what was called ‘Barça Corporate’, as the commercial and audiovisual arm of the club. It provides a good example of how football clubs have become multinationals and illustrates how they compete with other entertainment multinational corporations. In the analysis of FC Barcelona as a global brand, the authors propose five main brand territories (symbolism, innovation, data, entertainment and knowledge – SIDEK) in which the club can achieve competitive advantage over its rivals. Archive material and interviews have been used to elucidate the issues of this chapter. <!----> <!----> <!----> <!---->