Recently, Europe has been embroiled in serious disinformation crises. In 2020, the WHO declared the term “infodemic” due to the massive increase in hoaxes about the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was dubbed the first digital world war. In this context, this research aims to establish similarities and differences between disinformation disseminated in Europe related to the pandemic during 2020–2021 and the war between Russia and Ukraine throughout 2022–2023. The methodology is based on triangulation, combining quantitative content analysis of fact-checking publications (N = 812) from eight fact-checkers representing four European countries (Spain, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Poland) and qualitative interviews with specialized agents (N = 8). Regarding the main findings, the frequency and nature of verified hoaxes during critical events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine conflict, are closely intertwined with peaks in current events. Initially, both crises saw a surge in hoax verifications, but this trend gradually declined, particularly in the case of the Ukraine conflict. Hoaxes related to the pandemic were primarily disseminated in written form, whereas the complexities of the Russian-Ukraine war hindered widespread hoax dissemination in an audiovisual way. The typology of hoaxes correlated with their format, with fabricated content predominant in pandemic hoaxes and out-of-context images prevalent in those related to the conflict. Social media, notably Facebook and X (Twitter), emerged as the primary platforms for hoax dissemination, overshadowing traditional media channels. In both events, disinformation aimed to provoke emotional responses and polarize audiences, emphasizing the role of social networks in amplifying disinformation during crises.

La desinformación es uno de los grandes desafíos para Europa. En los últimos años, el continente europeo en general y la Unión Europea (UE) en particular vienen sufriendo diferentes campañas desinformativas: como la que llevó a Reino Unido a la salida de la UE; la doble pandemia sanitaria y desinformativa; o la estrategia híbrida de propaganda tras la invasión rusa en Ucrania. En dicho contexto, el fallecimiento de la reina Isabel II de Inglaterra también ha estado marcado por prácticas desinformadoras viralizadas por toda Europa. Ante ello, esta investigación pretende ahondar en la naturaleza de la desinformación relativa al fallecimiento de la monarca en tres países europeos, España, Reino Unido y Francia, entre el 8 y el 22 de septiembre de 2022. Para ello, se ha llevado a cabo una triangulación metodológica basada en un análisis de contenido de 76 publicaciones completas de medios de verificación, así como en encuestas de respuesta abierta a agentes especializados. Los resultados apuntan a que las redes sociales se constituyeron como la principal plataforma por la que se difundieron contenidos desinformativos. Dichos bulos, que incluyeron imágenes mayoritariamente, respondieron eminentemente a la tipología de contenidos engañosos y fabricados establecida por Wardle (2017). Asimismo, la temática principal de los bulos viralizados versaba sobre teorías de la conspiración, con Isabel II como gran protagonista de estas. Por otra parte, la frecuencia de difusión de los bulos fue significativamente mayor durante la primera semana tras el fallecimiento de la monarca, y respondió a una tendencia transnacional en la que la diseminación desinformativa se adaptó a los contextos nacionales.

Misleading and false information is an issue in the European public sphere. This article analyzes the verified disinformation by fact-checkers during the 2024 European Parliament elections. From the lens of fact-checking, as a journalism practice to fight against disinformation, this research explores the European initiative Elections24Check, a collaborative fact-checking project associated with the European Fact-Checking Standards Network. The research aims: on the one hand, to demonstrate the prevalence of debunking over fact-checking; and on the other, to dissect the thematic nature, format, typology, and deceitful technique of the hoaxes verified during the last European elections. Using content analysis, the sample comprised 487 publications verified by 32 different fact-checkers across a total of 28 countries for one month related to the 2024 European elections. The results present implications regarding the collaborative fact-checking project that made a greater effort to verify other contextual disinformation issues rather than checking disinformation directly involved in the elections and EU politics. Also, this case study revealed the shift in the European fact-checking movement with the prevalence of debunking activity over scrutinizing public statements. Finally, the verified disinformation underscored the continued dominance of text as the primary format for spreading false information and the predominance of content decontextualization. The results of this study aim to deepen the understanding of fact-checking in the European media landscape.

Disinformation during the 2022 Brazilian elections peaked on January 8, 2023, coinciding with an attempted assault on key state institutions. Previously, a wave of false information and conspiracy theories with the clear objective of delegitimizing the electoral system and attacking the main candidates was the scenario that distinguished the presidential elections. This study examines hoaxes related to the 2022 Brazilian elections through verifications conducted by two leading fact-checking organizations: Agencia Lupa and Aos Fatos. The sample comprises 219 pieces of verification published between August 29 and October 31, 2022. The results reveal an electoral campaign characterised by hoaxes in viral audiovisual format, particularly spread on Facebook and WhatsApp, with a higher flow of disinformation in the second round. Likewise, deceptive content about voting processes and electoral fraud predominates. Additionally, the main targets of false narratives were the presidential candidates Lula da Silva and Jair Bolsonaro.

The escalating proliferation of disinformation throughout Europe, exacerbated by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, necessitates a rigorous examination of its ramifications for public health. This study undertakes an investigation into trends in pandemic-related disinformation in Spain, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Poland spanning the period from 2020 to 2022. In this way, a meticulous content analysis of 704 publications from fact-checking sites was conducted. To augment the study’s robustness and provide a nuanced perspective on the evolving nature of disinformation, case studies were meticulously incorporated. The data reveals that despite of the professionalization of deep fakes, 43% of disinformation propagated through textual means, predominantly leveraging social networks (75%), especially Facebook and WhatsApp. Notably, misinformation pertaining to vaccines constituted the most prevalent narrative among disinformation stories, comprising 25.85% of the total. Moreover, as the pandemic unfolded, the thematic focus of disinformation adapted to the distinct contexts of each country. Furthermore, 47.16% of the content was found to be fabricated, with the primary objective of amplifying a common adversary accounting for 39.77% of cases. Given the contemporary relevance and public significance of this subject, the overarching objective of this research has been to scrutinise the dynamics of disinformation related to the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe. Consequently, the findings of this study carry a distinct European public service orientation.

This article analyses the escalating tensions between political actors and the media in Spain, focusing on how structural weaknesses in the journalistic field facilitate the internalisation of disinformation and political polarisation. Using field theory and qualitative data from interviews with journalists, regulators, and media professionals, the study explores how Spain’s deregulated, economically precarious, and structurally fragmented media environment undermines journalistic autonomy. Recent challenges to media legitimacy illustrate declining professional standards, insufficient self‐regulation, and the blurred boundaries of journalistic identity. The analysis challenges the view that the prevalence of disinformation is mainly a byproduct of political polarisation, arguing instead that low institutional autonomy has made Spanish journalism structurally vulnerable to post‐truth dynamics. The article concludes that Spain’s regulatory model, while formally protecting press freedom, lacks the internal governance mechanisms needed to uphold professional ethics and ultimately professional authority. As the European Media Freedom Act promises regulatory change, the article calls for renewed public and professional debate on journalistic standards, legitimacy, and the democratic role of the press in the face of mounting epistemic and institutional crises.