We adopted a cultural neuroscience approach to the investigation of self-enhancement. Western and Eastern participants made self-referent judgments on positive and negative traits while we recorded their electroencephalography signals. At the judgmental level, we assessed trait endorsement (judgments of traits self-descriptiveness) and reaction times (speed of such judgments). Participants endorsed more positive traits as self-descriptive and more negative traits as non-self-descriptive, although the magnitude of this effect (level of self-positivity) was higher in the Western than Eastern sample. Moreover, all participants responded faster to positive self-descriptive traits and to negative non-self-descriptive traits, indicating that the self-enhancement motive is equally potent across cultures. At the neurophysiological level, we assessed N170 and LPP. Negative traits elicited larger N170 among Easterners, indicating initial allocation of attentional resources to the processing of negative information. However, negative compared to positive self-descriptive traits elicited a larger LPP, whereas negative and positive non-self-descriptive traits did not differ in the LPP they elicited. This pattern generalized across samples, pointing to a pancultural physiological correlate of the self-enhancement motive.

We explored individuals' behavior in relation to level of trust when they encounter attractive or unattractive faces. Individuals' implicit responses were examined in Experiment 1 and their explicit responses in Experiment 2. Results of Experiment 1 indicated that the latency of the unattractive faces with words indicating trust or attractive faces with words indicating distrust (incompatible group) was twice as long as that of the attractive faces with trust words or unattractive faces with distrust words (compatible group). In Experiment 2, we used an investment game to measure individuals' explicit trusting behavior and found that participants gave significantly more money to attractive partners than they did to unattractive partners. These findings extend understanding of the relationship between perceptions of attractiveness and trust building.

Western participants endorse a higher number of positive traits as self-descriptive, but endorse a lower number of negative traits as self-descriptive. They also respond quicker to categorize positive traits as self-descriptive, but respond slower to categorize negative traits as self-descriptive. Is this self-positivity bias qualified by the cultural value of modesty? We induced modesty (vs. punctuality) and assessed self-descriptiveness judgments and response times among Chinese participants. We replicated the self-positivity bias in regards to both self-descriptiveness judgments and response times. In the case of self-descriptiveness judgments, however, the bias was partially qualified by modesty. Relative to control participants, those in the modesty condition endorsed fewer positive traits as self-descriptive and manifested a tendency toward endorsing more negative traits as self-descriptive. In the case of response times, the self-positivity bias was unqualified by modesty. Within both conditions, participants were quicker to categorize positive traits as self-descriptive and were slower to categorize negative traits as self-descriptive. The results speak to the relation between the self-positivity bias and the self-reference effect and illustrate the malleability of self-processing.